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South Dakota’s Kristi Noem looks to Texas with copycat abortion ban

South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem took a page out of the Lone Star state’s playbook this week, proposing a bill modeled after a controversial Texas measure that would ban nearly all abortions.

It’s not exactly a surprise: Noem has been talking about such a proposal for weeks. The law, if passed, would bar women from obtaining an abortion after fetal cardiac activity begins, which amounts to roughly six weeks — often before someone knows they are pregnant.

And it’s not just the ban itself that chills critics, it’s the mechanism by which it accomplishes its goal: incentivizing anyone in the United States to sue those who aid women in seeking abortions, with a minimum $10,000 penalty. 

It’s nearly identical to a controversial Texas law passed last year, which inspired heated pushback after a series of appeals courts ruled that the measure be allowed to remain in effect while court challenges proceed. Critics have blasted the new law for setting up a “vigilante” justice system that skirts the longstanding precedent guaranteeing a constitutional right to abortion, which was established in the 1973 landmark case Roe v. Wade.


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Last month, the conservative-majority Supreme Court sent the measure back to a federal appeals court — one that has already ruled in favor of the measure twice. 

In South Dakota, at least, the bill comes at the tail end of a yearslong battle to strip women of their access to abortion: There is just one clinic in the entire state that offers the procedures. Just 10 women there received an abortion in 2020, according to CBS News, which cited the most recent data available.

In a statement, Noem called for the Supreme Court to strike down Roe v. Wade, adding, “until that comes to pass, these bills will ensure that both unborn children and their mothers are protected in South Dakota.”

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Survival tips from TV we didn’t know we needed

Somewhere on the path between “Lost,”The Walking Dead” and “Naked and Afraid,” generations of channel surfers and film gawkers have picked up common ideas about what it takes to survive. Much of it is useful information, starting with: Find your bearings. Create, or seek, safe shelter. Get fresh water, build a fire.

As everyone discovering HBO Max’s “Station Eleven” and Showtime’s “Yellowjackets” will see, both shows follow those steps as well, although their situations differ to a great degree. “Yellowjackets” strands a high school girls’ soccer team in the wilderness for 19 months after the plane flying them to a national championship crashes. Their ordeal, though harrowing, is temporary.

In “Station Eleven,” a pandemic collapses civilization and the remaining human survivors must find ways, and reasons, to live on. There’s no going back.

Unintentionally both present similar survival scenarios for which most of us probably haven’t prepared. Your bugout bag might be stocked better than anyone you know, and your wilderness training may be top-notch. But ask yourself, have you considered who you’d team with? Are you convincing enough to calm a mob? Do you know how to mix and match fabrics and patterns?

Whether you find yourself temporarily abandoned in the wilderness or foraging for sustenance after an apocalypse, here are five situations seen in both shows for which you may want to prepare.

RELATED: What pop culture taught me about living through the end of the world

Never count out the goalie

A vital commonality between these two shows is the demonstrated resilience of goalies, starting with the marooned survivors at the Severn City Airport in “Station Eleven.”

When a charismatic huckster lures away a group of people with the unfounded assurance that he knows of a safe haven in Florida, he purports to only have selected the best and brightest of the Severn crowd, including the pilot and everyone on the women’s soccer team that’s among them – except for the goal keeper.

Those left behind are as ticked off and dejected as she is, until Clark (David Wilmot), a corporate crisis manager in his now former life, bonds the strangers with an electrifying speech that specifically validates the forlorn young athlete.

“You know, everybody s**ts on the goalie,” he says. “No, they like strikers, the flash. But the goalie? That’s how you win things! We’re in this together, and we’re a family now.”

The Yellowjackets’ goaltender Van (Liv Hewson) proves that beyond a doubt. Left behind to burn to death when another teammate can’t help her unbuckle the seatbelt that’s restraining her, she somehow escapes on her own.

Later she’s attacked and ripped apart by wolves, but survives to stand triumphantly at the side of Lottie (Courtney Eaton) as she presides over a bloody sacrificial offering. Which is great for Lottie, but probably not the best news for everyone else.

You have to admit, in a situation that could require a fight for your life, there aren’t many better people to have on your side than someone who is accustomed to putting her body between a target and an object moving at high velocity. So when it comes time to leave your house and make new friends, gather your goalies where and while ye may!

Take a toastmaster class

Returning to Clark’s speech, that is the moment he, along with his frenemy Elizabeth (Caitlin FitzGerald), a famous actor, and Miles (Milton Barnes), an airport maintenance man, assume leadership over the Severn City Airport’s stranded passengers and organize them into self-sufficient community. Later in “Station Eleven” Miles credits Clark’s ability to pull a rousing speech out of his hat as the reason they were able to construct their fiefdom out of nothing.

And if Lottie transforms from a odd visionary into a cult leader on “Yellowjackets,” won’t that be due to her deranged, silver-tongued persuasiveness? The only person on the squad better at rallying the troops with uplifting, off-the-cuff prose is the team captain, Jackie (Ella Purnell). But her oratory triumphs are behind her, along with the rest of the living world.

Take wolves very seriously

This probably isn’t news to outdoorsy people, most of whom aren’t likely to stumble across wolfpacks on standard hikes. Several states have laws authorizing hunts to winnow down their numbers, in fact. Beyond the reach of civilization, however, wolf packs probably would make a healthier, speedier comeback than humans.

In post-apocalyptic Michigan, we’re basically walking ham hocks. Jeevan (Himesh Patel) finds that out the hard way during a night hike when one ambushes him and nearly mauls him to death.

The world doesn’t have to end for wolves to test our resolve, as the Yellowjackets discover and for which Van pays a heavy price. Luckily for her, as we previously pointed out, she’s a goalie – and her wound only makes her look more imposing.

Amateur amputation: Carve off that dead weight!

The average prepper has a few antibiotics, bandages and suturing kits in their stores, along with a field medicine manual. Generally speaking we avoid thinking about how to contend with an injury severe enough to require parting with a limb, and rightly so. That’s a job for medical professionals.

But as crazy capable Misty (Samantha Hanratty) teaches us in “Yellowjackets,” sometimes all you have is an equipment manager who has read up on emergency medicine and has a pathological need to be valued. When their assistant coach Ben Scott’s leg is mangled beyond repair in the plane crash, Misty swiftly moves in, applies a tourniquet and chops through the shredded limb. Coach Scott lives, although at times he probably wishes the crash had taken him.

Over on “Station Eleven,” Jeevan is more fortunate when half of his mauled foot must be removed, in that an actual doctor, albeit one who lost her license, does the operation. Point being, you can’t always count on either the real deal or a skilled hobbyist being around. You may need to do the job yourself. Bone up on the basics. (Editor’s note: Seriously, remember that these are TV fantasies. Please don’t actually try this at home.)


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Dress for survival success . . . and excess

Survivalists take care in planning their outfits, although precious few of them pack formal wear. But what is the point of surviving if you don’t have anything to dress for? Fashion plays a central role in “Station Eleven” thanks to The Traveling Symphony’s performances of Shakespeare and their affection for vibrant objects.

 “Yellowjackets” doesn’t assign the girls’ clothing much significance until the crash survivors are on the verge of starving to death. At that point, costume becomes one of the last indulgences they turn to, gathering found scraps from the wreckage, leaves, feathers and other natural objects into a homecoming-style fancy dress parade. It’s one of the season’s loveliest scenes . . . until everything goes sideways.

Regardless of that, heed the larger point: Never leave home without a sturdy sewing kit. You may need it to repair a hole in your sweater, or to stitch forest floor formalwear, or to close the skin where a leg used to be. One never knows what life plans to kick our way, so it’s always best to be prepared.

All episodes of “Station Eleven” can be streamed on HBO Max. All episodes of “Yellowjackets” are available to stream on the Showtime app or with an upgraded Paramount+ subscription.

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“Every Day in Kaimuki” filmmakers on questioning contentment: “Are you happy or is this just easy?”

“Every Day in Kaimukī,” which is having its world premiere at Sundance, is one of those low-key gems that are wonderful to discover at a festival. It is a small, slice-of-life debut film co-written and directed by Alika Tengan, and featuring a charismatic performance by co-writer Naz Kawakami, playing a version of himself. Set and shot in Honolulu during the pandemic (but not about the pandemic) the film has a scrappy indie feel that is endearing. This was obviously a labor of love for Tengan and Kawakami, and viewers who are fortunate to see it and sink into its everyday rhythms will appreciate its modest charms.

In the film, Naz (Kawakami) is spending his last weeks in Honolulu as he and his girlfriend, Sloane (Rina White) are planning to move to New York City. The 20-something Naz works as a DJ for the local community radio station, KTUH, and skates with his friends — who have a bet going whether Naz will actually leave. Much of “Every Day in Kaimukī” features scenes of Naz hanging out and planning the move; he says he feels stuck in Honolulu because he does not feel he belongs in this city where he was born. How Naz confronts the decision point regarding his departure shapes the drama and provides its poignancy. 

RELATED: The long roots of Hawai’i’s resistance

Tengan and Kawakami infuse their film with a sense of melancholy and hope. They chatted with Salon about their film in advance of its premiere.

I like how Naz feels he connects with Richard Hell in New York despite having vastly different circumstances. What do you think your film says about Hawai’i? The film does not show the island paradise, it shows skateparks and record stores that a native would frequent, which is far more interesting.

Alika Tengan: A lot of this film was inspired who Naz actually was, and is, and we were trying to be true to his experiences of Hawai’i, which is a little different. That was one of the goals, and Naz is not the most beach person. He skates instead of surfs, so it is grounding in a lot of his reality, which inspired the perspective.

Naz Kawakami: Alika got it right. I don’t participate in a lot of things people view as being Hawaiian, and much of Hawai’i doesn’t. And a lot of the representation doesn’t reflect the lives and experiences of people who grew up there. We are not all surf people or beach people. I wanted to make a story set in Hawai’i and about Hawaiian people, but it is not forcing that on people. It just takes place there. 

What decisions did you make regarding Naz’s character? He’s kind he is a worrier. He gets drunk and says things. He goes about his misdeeds. But he’s incredibly likable. 

Tengan: Before we embarked on this journey together, just being friends with Naz, and knowing him, he is unlike anyone I knew, and he has a really interesting perspective on being Hawaiian and growing up here — hapa Hawaiian — because we have the same genetic makeup to an extent. But he is also one of the most charismatic and charming people. He naturally had a lot of things that would translate well on screen. 

Kawakami: Yeah, I wholeheartedly disagree with most of what he said about me! 

Naz, how did you make your character feel human and real, because we like him when he’s screwing up.

Kawakami: I think my personality in real life is different, so I was definitely trying to play a character, and I’m interested in characters with conviction who can be not perfect — they are also not antiheroes — but people who make mistakes and not try to lean into any one sort of trope or idea of what a protagonist ought to be. I am always worried. I just was not as expressive about it outwardly as my character was, but my inner monologue was staying up at night wondering what the f**k am I doing? And in real life, everybody was asking me, “Are you going to go?” “When you are leaving?” In that sense, it felt like a distillation of how I was feeling at that time.  

Naz’s relationship with Sloane is interesting. We see very little of them together. What was your intent in depicting the dynamic between them?

Tengan: When we come into this point of their relationship, they are in this weird place, because we are not really sure how they feel about each other. But there is this larger thing looming over them, this move that they are trying to do and navigate together. In the beginning, it seems like he is outwardly going for her. 

Kawakami: I think I was focused on presenting characters who weren’t bad or good at any moment. I wanted to make it that by the end you don’t dislike [anyone] explicitly. I wanted to give the characters reasons to be, and have their motivations clear. You don’t have to hate someone or love them either, but just have them be people with their priorities. That was an elegant choice on Alika’s part and it makes the characters more rounded and unexpected.

Tengan: We were talking about what made Naz’s character so complex with good and not so good elements. It wasn’t us just writing that for his character. Naz was intentional about imbuing each character with humanity, foibles, and good and bad. 

Naz is looking for his self-worth outside of Hawaii. Kaden (Holden Mandrial-Santos), his replacement at the station says he has a good life, but Naz “wants more.” He’s not interested in being a big fish in a small pond. What can you say about his character, and how do you think it represents the moodiness of 20-somethings, especially in this era of COVID? I liked the restlessness of someone trapped in a place.

Kawakami: Our cinematographer and producer, Chapin Hall, [described] growing up in Hawai’i – you’re as always in quarantine to a degree. It’s not like you grew up in California and can drive to New York City. The literal process of leaving the island is so arduous and challenging and expensive. You have to board an airplane. It’s not as simple or casual. You do feel cooped up. It’s part of the culture there to take pride in it to a degree. We talked about complacency versus contentment. Are you happy or is this just easy? I don’t think Naz was unhappy, but it was easy, and that worry was the initial drive. Life there was pretty good for him. It is hard to choose a challenge and leave a comfortable situation like that. If you start wondering if you are complacent, you probably are, because otherwise, it wouldn’t cross your mind.  

Tengan: That was one of the things we talked about. We shot it during the pandemic, but we didn’t want this film to be “about” the pandemic or lockdown or that type of thing. But it does frame a lot of the characters’ decisions. And that is relatable for a lot of people over the past two years, and it’s a call to question your own contentment in life, and this period has been really introspective for a lot of us, so it was an interesting dynamic for Naz’s character to [consider] doing the hard thing. This is true to so much of our friends’ experiences.

Kawakami: I want to double down about not wanting to make a film about a pandemic. It took place in a pandemic, but it’s a story much like it takes place in Hawai’i, it’s not about sandy beaches and waterfalls. It’s a story that happens during a pandemic and has very little to do with it; it’s not incorporating it in the plot. 

I like that the film has a relaxed, hangout vibe. Can you talk about the mood of the film? which is accomplished in part by the editing and music.

Tengan: So much of this music is informed by Naz’s taste and the music we feature is by his friends, Goon Lei Goon, and our mutual friend Holden, who plays Kaden in the film, composed original music which formed the vibe and energy and we edited around that. As we incorporated Naz’s friends as actors, we got a larger sense to get a “Dazed and Confused“-esque hangout film. Hopefully, by the end of it, you want to spend time with each character — even those who are in the film for a few minutes. That was the goal in the edit. 

Kawakami: Again, presenting a different idea of Hawaiian life, because we used local musicians. There has been a historic punk rock indie scene there, a very vibrant DIY supported music scene there. And it also has to do with the radio station where the film takes place. The experiences and culture of Honolulu life, I wanted to put that forward the best I could. 

I am curious about the soundtrack, and what you listen to.

Kawakami: Goon Lei Goon, Hapa Hunting, Lionel Boy. Those are the three big ones.

Tengan: They are all on Spotify. There were other bands and musicians that complimented what we were already working with. Nilufer Yanya, Tei Shi, and Alex G.

Can we talk about Naz’s existential crisis? He feels if he doesn’t move, he is stuck. He also says he can’t escape himself, he is self-destructive at times, and doesn’t feel that he is Hawaiian. What accounts for his anxiety, loneliness, and despair?  

Tengan: In the writing process, what I realized was that I had a lot of these core things with Naz in common, and I related to him on these levels of being Hawaiian and not feeling Hawaiian enough, and that core feeling has shaped and guided my life and led me to question should I be here or somewhere else? That was a lot of the writing of the character, was the fusion of both of these feelings, our feelings.

Kawakami: Yeah. [laughs]. Having experiences growing up and not really knowing what I am. I’m Japanese, Hawaiian, and white. But I’m Japanese or Hawaiian in Honolulu, but if I come to New York City, I’m not white, either. I’m not understanding the quantification of identity. I can feel like a Hawaiian man myself, and I am trying to gauge all my life how important it is for that to be recognized by other in that community. The analogy I always use is Taika Waititi directed “Thor: Ragnarok” so is that a Maori movie? How do we quantify these things?

Recently, I realized that whatever I do as a Hawaiian person will qualify me as being Hawaiian because I make it that. It’s a very special particular culture and place, but it is reductive for anyone to say, “I am a thing, and am defined by these cultural attributes.” I go skating with my friends, and I play guitar, and like the music that I like, and it doesn’t make me less Hawaiian than someone who goes to the beach, or went to Kamehameha schools, or participates in cultural, traditional things. Maybe that’s just part of the modern world, but I think things should be labeled as the artist seeks to label them, and not be defined by or assigned by. Alika do you think this is a Hawaiian movie, or is it an Asian America movie? Are you quantifying things that way, is it anyone else’s place to quantify them? I feel like it’s what you make it.

Tengan: It certainly has these elements. I may feel differently, but having this multiethnic identity, I’m used to things being hybridized and growing up here, it is such a hybridized culture, so it is all of the things at once and that’s what makes it so unique and that’s what makes Hawai’i so unique.

Also, Naz is very much playing a fictionalized version of himself, edited and exaggerated for dramatic effect. While it’s rooted to an extent on some of his tendencies, he’s playing into a persona he and I crafted together, and I think because he’s such a good actor the audience may conflate the two.

I’m curious about being indigenous filmmakers and the rise of Hawaiian directors, like you and Christopher Kahunahana (“Waikiki”). What are your thoughts and observations about being a native filmmaker and the film scene in Hawai’i.

Tengan: Hawai’i is so uniquely positioned because we’ve been a backdrop for Hollywood forever. But they shot here but they weren’t about here or made by people form here. It’s an exciting time for homegrown filmmakers, and I went to the Academy for Creative Media, which was at the University of Hawai’i Mãnoa. I graduated in 2012 and I’ve heard it’s the most majored in program, so there is a whole wave of indigenous artists coming up. We have more resources available to us now. The stories have always been here, so we’re finally catching up. The world will start to know more in the years to come.

What can you say about creating the visuals in the film? I liked the scenes of Naz on the phone, or the moments of him skating at night. 

Tengan: The look is so much developed by our DP, Chapin Hall, and the conversations he and I had about the story and what we felt were important elements to highlight. We landed on the 4:3 ratio to have things feel interior. Naz is in a lot of urban spaces, so we built it out from there. Naturalism was a huge part of the ethos of the look, so there is minimal lighting design. It was shaped by whatever environment Naz was in at the time.

I like the gritty indie feel. It makes it a perfect Sundance film. What are your thoughts about debuting your first feature at the festival?

Tengan: It’s a huge honor, I’ve submitted many short films to the festival that have never gotten in, so I was totally blown away to get in. I was thrilled to have this collaboration with Naz be my first. My taste has been so shaped by a lot of the work that has come out of Sundance, so I’m really stoked to be here.

Kawakami: I am personally dreading people seeing me on a screen or hearing me speak in public. But considering the amount of time that we put in, I am feeling astounded maybe. “Astounded” might be appropriate. I’ll stick with that.

“Every Day in Kaimuki” makes its world premiere at Sundance.

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Biden administration’s rapid-test rollout doesn’t easily reach those who need it most

In the past week, the Biden administration launched two programs that aim to get rapid covid tests into the hands of every American. But the design of both efforts disadvantages people who already face the greatest barriers to testing.

From the limit placed on test orders to the languages available on websites, the programs stand to leave out many people who don’t speak English or don’t have internet access, as well as those who live in multifamily households. All these barriers are more common for non-white Americans, who have also been hit hardest by covid. The White House told KHN it will address these problems but did not give specifics.

It launched a federally run website on Jan. 18 where people can order free tests sent directly to their homes. But there is a four-test limit per household. Many homes could quickly exceed their allotments — more than a third of Hispanic Americans plus about a quarter of Asian and Black Americans live in households with at least five residents, according to an analysis of Census Bureau data by KFF. Only 17% of white Americans live in these larger groups.

“There are challenges that they have to work on for sure,” said Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association.

Also, as of Jan. 15, the federal government requires private insurers to reimburse consumers who purchase rapid tests.

When the federal website — with orders fulfilled and shipped through the United States Postal Service — went live this week, the first wave of sign-ups exposed serious issues.

Some people who live in multifamily residences, such as condos, dorms, and houses sectioned off into apartments, reported on social media that if one resident had already ordered tests to their address, the website didn’t allow for a second person to place an order.

“They’re going to have to figure out how to resolve it when you have multiple families living in the same dwelling and each member of the family needs at least one test. I don’t know the answer to that yet,” Benjamin said.

USPS spokesperson David Partenheimer said that while this seems to be a problem for only a small share of orders, people who encounter the issue should file a service request or contact the help desk at 1-800-ASK-USPS.

A White House official said 20% of shipments will be directed every day to people who live in vulnerable ZIP codes, as determined by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s social vulnerability index, which identifies communities most in need of resources.

Another potential obstacle: Currently, only those with access to the internet can order the free rapid tests directly to their homes. Although some people can access the website on smartphones, the online-only access could still exclude millions of Americans: 27% of Native American households and 20% of Black households don’t have an internet subscription, according to a KHN analysis of Census Bureau data.

The federal website is currently available only in English, Spanish, and Chinese.

According to the White House, a phone line is also being launched to ease these types of issues. An aide said it is expected to be up and running by Jan. 21. But details are pending about the hours it will operate and whether translators will be available for people who don't speak English.

However, the website is reaching one group left behind in the initial vaccine rollout: blind and low-vision Americans who use screen-reading technology. Jared Smith, associate director of WebAIM, a nonprofit web accessibility organization, said the federal site "is very accessible. I see only a very few minor nitpicky things I might tweak."

The Biden administration emphasized that people have options beyond the rapid-testing website. There are free federal testing locations, for instance, as well as testing capacity at homeless shelters and other congregate settings.

Many Americans with private health plans could get help with the cost of tests from the Biden administration reimbursement directive. In the days since its unveiling, insurers said they have moved quickly to implement the federal requirements. But the new systems have proved difficult to navigate.

Consumers can obtain rapid tests — up to eight a month are covered — at retail stores and pharmacies. If the store is part of their health plan's rapid-test network, the test is free. If not, they can buy it and seek reimbursement.

The program does not cover the 61 million beneficiaries who get health care through Medicare, or the estimated 31 million people who are uninsured. Medicaid and the Children's Health Insurance Program are required to cover at-home rapid tests, but rules for those programs vary by state.

And the steps involved are complicated.

First, consumers must figure out which retailers are partnering with their health plans and then pick up the tests at the pharmacy counter. As of Jan. 19, however, only a few insurance companies had set up that direct-purchase option — and nearly all the major participating pharmacies were sold out of eligible rapid tests.

Instead, Americans are left to track down and buy rapid tests on their own and then send receipts to their insurance providers.

Many of the country's largest insurance companies provide paper forms that customers must print, fill out, and mail along with a receipt and copy of the box's product code. Only a few, including UnitedHealthcare and Anthem, have online submission options. Highmark, one of the largest Blue Cross and Blue Shield affiliates, for instance, has 16-step instructions for its online submission process that involves printing out a PDF form, signing it, and scanning and uploading it to its portal.

Nearly 1 in 4 households don't own a desktop or laptop computer, according to the Census Bureau. Half of U.S. households where no adults speak English don't have computers.

A KHN reporter checked the websites of several top private insurers and didn't find information from any of them on alternatives for customers who don't have computers, don't speak English, or are unable to access the forms due to disabilities.

UnitedHealthcare and CareFirst spokespeople said that members can call their customer service lines for help with translation or submitting receipts. Several other major insurance companies did not respond to questions.

Once people make it through the submission process, the waiting begins. A month or more after a claim is processed, most insurers send a check in the mail covering the costs.

And that leads to another wrinkle. Not everyone can easily deposit a check. About 1 in 7 Black and 1 in 8 Hispanic households don't have checking or savings accounts, compared with 1 in 40 white households, according to a federal report. Disabled Americans are also especially likely to be "unbanked." They would have to pay high fees at check-cashing shops to claim their money.

"It's critically important that we are getting testing out, but there are limitations with this program," said Dr. Utibe Essein, an assistant professor of medicine at the University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine. "These challenges around getting tests to individuals with language barriers or who are homeless are sadly the same drivers of disparities that we see with other health conditions."

KHN Midwest correspondent Lauren Weber contributed to this report.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

WATCH: Trump plays Wordle on Laura Ingraham’s Fox News show in Saturday Night Live opener

Former president Donald Trump, portrayed by James Austin Johnson, played Wordle during an appearance on Fox News’ The Ingraham Angle in Saturday Night Live‘s “Cold Open” on Saturday.

“Talk of the 2024 Republican Primary is already heating up, so let’s talk to the svelte, muscular, 230-pound gorilla in the room, Donald Trump,” host Laura Ingraham, played by Kate McKinnon, said in introducing Trump.

“It’s wonderful to be here,” Austin’s Trump responded. “I’m back, just like Tiger King II. You had fun the first time, and now you’re like, ‘How are more people from this not in jail yet?'”


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“Now, Mr. President, you’re out on the trail again creating controversy with your typical whacko stuff and uncharacteristically reasonable takes on booster shots,” McKinnon’s Ingraham said. “Would you like to give our viewers a taste?”

“I sure would. Let’s get today’s Wordle. Can we do that please?” Johnson’s Trump responded, before launching into a Wordle-salad version of the game.

McKinnon’s Ingraham was also joined by Texas Republican Sen. Ted Cruz, conservative talk show host Candace Owens, and tennis star Novak Djokovic.

Watch below:

 

The TikTok time bomb: The nascent social media app is feeding us junk food news nonstop

We’ve all seen them: the teenagers and young adults doing synchronized dancing in a grocery store, park, mall, or coffee shop. You may have heard them duetting sea-shanties, or maybe you were told about the crowdsourced musical based off of the 2007 Pixar movie “Ratatouille.” All of these terribly essential activities have one thing, or specifically one app, in common: TikTok, where apparently anyone can cook!

TikTok is basically Twitter on street-grade crack. According to a Forbes interview with University of Southern California Professor Julie Albright, TikTok has “adopted the same principles that have made gambling addictive.” A digital drug for anyone with a phone, and especially young people, the TikTok app uses random reinforcement — similar to a slot machine on the Las Vegas strip — to keep users scrolling. It has changed the way Americans tell and view stories, interact with others, and even receive news and information. Its influence borders on the obscene. TikTok has become part of the new normal of the past year, but instead of helping us heal, it has functioned as a nostrum to the new normal — a rather ineffective remedy from an unqualified source during the pandemic.

TikTok feeds Americans nonstop Junk Food News and infotainment, à la reality TV. “Junk Food News” is a term, originally coined by Project Censored’s founder Carl Jensen, to identify a category of frivolous or inconsequential news stories that receive substantial coverage by corporate news outlets, thus distracting news audiences from other, more significant stories. Content appearing on TikTok definitely fits Jensen’s Junk Food News descriptor, as the app has become so popular that many of its brief videos regularly appear on corporate news media outlets, distracting Americans from crucial independent investigative reporting.

RELATED: A psychology researcher explains how social media is changing us

Many people’s first exposure to the app may have been through Nathan Apodaca and his Ocean Spray TikTok post, vibin’ to Fleetwood Mac’s “Dreams,” riding NFTs (nonfungible tokens) to block-chain authenticity (if anyone understands what that means). Apodaca’s clip drew the attention of a TV show host excited to “sit down and tap into the mind of Nathan Apodaca, also known as ‘Dogg Face.'” It also brought him a hefty wad of cash.

Those who still weren’t privy to TikTok, even in the advent of these cultural milestones, most certainly became aware of its existence due to the glorious mishaps of Tessica Brown, also fondly known as “Gorilla Glue Girl.” Her story took the internet, tabloids, and news cycles by storm after she repeatedly posted to TikTok in the early months of 2021 that it had been a “bad, bad, bad idea” for her to use Gorilla Glue to set her hairstyle when she had run out of her regular hairspray. Her entranced audience collectively wondered, how could anyone ever make that mistake in the first place? The meme became a well-recognized source of humor, demonstrated by a Saturday Night Live skit titled “Gorilla Glue.” For many, it appeared as another instance of finding amusement in someone else’s humiliation. The internet is filled with videos in the so-called “fail” genre, including the slew of epic fails featured at FailArmy, Newsflare, and Funny Vines, sites and YouTube channels that all showcase their own Fails of the Week. Even ESPN’s SportsCenter boasts a “Not Top 10” segment, which pokes fun at athletes’ mishaps caught on camera. There is no shortage of “entertainment” that comes at the expense of others’ misfortunes.

The specific term for this phenomenon is “humilitainment,” a word coined by media scholars Brad Waite and Sara Booker in 2005 to refer to entertainment that capitalizes on someone else’s humiliation. This term is often used in conjunction with “schadenfreude,” a German compound word that translates to “harm-joy” and describes finding joy in others’ pain. Humilitainment often features as Junk Food News. It has become a common theme in “reality” television programming over the years, on shows like Survivor, Big Brother, 16 and Pregnant, 90 Day Fiancé, and Jersey Shore, just to name a few. Even decades-old TV series, dating back to Candid Camera and America’s Funniest Home Videos, have presented “fails” that resulted in viewers literally laughing at a complete stranger’s pain or misfortune.


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From one screen to another, it’s not just television that gives us humilitainment, but our phones and tablets as well. The viral videos of people failing at trends, poorly cutting their hair at home, or having fashion faux pas in public have been on the internet and our phones almost as soon as videos could be uploaded and watched. This trend certainly hasn’t stopped, and it continues to weasel its way into our media feeds. TikTok is just the latest vehicle for consumers to binge on Junk Food News, infotainment, and humilitainment. But perhaps one of the most interesting aspects of TikTok is its algorithm: the more time a user spends on the app, the more data the algorithm collects. For the first few uses of the app, the algorithm will present the most popular videos and trends to the user, but eventually, after tracking the user’s viewing habits, it will funnel the newcomer deeper into the app toward what the program assumes the consumer enjoys. Eventually, the user will only be recommended to very specific creators or videos that fit into the individual’s established interests.

In this way, TikTok closely resembles the corporate press. TikTok’s algorithm divides viewers into specific groups, much as corporate media news outlets like Fox News and CNN divide and conquer audiences. According to a recent study by the Pew Research Center, there are consistent ideological divides between groups of Americans based on where they go to get their news about what is going on in the world. In other words, the Gorilla Glue story wasn’t the only one people were getting stuck to: many Americans also like to get stuck to particular news outlets, where they can tune in to their favorite sources to feed their political confirmation biases.

This market-driven division impacts the information that spreads among various demographics in society, which in turn is reflected across social media — creating an echo chamber of poorly informed people and often resulting in the mass circulation of half-truths and misinformation. In many cases, one person’s (or niche group’s) truth is another’s fiction, yet another way in which Tik-Tok’s algorithm produces results similar to the corporate press. As with the subjects of talk shows, reality TV, or sensationalist news stories, most TikTokers who produce content are average individuals who gain notoriety for dubious reasons, which can then be further exploited by the commercial press for ratings. And much like Fox News, MSNBC, or CNN, TikTok specially tailors its information to fit the narrative of a specific audience, and the corporate media outlets seem to have developed a symbiotic relationship with the app. Thus, not only do TikTok videos now count as news, but both corporate news stories and TikTok videos, whether accurate or not, have adapted to stick with audiences eager to have their beliefs reinforced. In this regard, TikTok and the corporate media are a match made in Junk Food News heaven. What could possibly go wrong?

While Americans were stuck on Gorilla Glue Girl online, corporate news outlets stove-piped the same stories, reinforcing information silos and creating filter bubbles as monetized coping mechanisms for chaotic and uncertain times. These Junk Food News stories distracted Americans while millions of people literally starved across the globe. Democracy Now!, quoting the World Food Programme’s David Beasley, reported that Yemen, Ethiopia, and other impoverished and war-torn nations are “heading toward ‘the biggest famine in modern history,’ and many parts of [these countries] feel like ‘hell on Earth’ after years of food shortages and destruction brought on by the U.S.-backed, Saudi-led war.”

Why did that story not appear at the forefront of the corporate press, nor on the videos of TikTok? It is likely because Americans would rather bask in the glory of someone’s humilitainment than recognize worldwide humanitarian issues. While millions of TikTok users post elements of their daily lives on an app for entertainment, the everyday reality of food shortages and starvation goes unreported. But then again, why would people want their news coverage to be civically driven when it could be viral and funny, especially when it comes at someone else’s expense?

Adapted from Project Censored’s State of the Free Press 2022, edited by Andy Lee Roth and Mickey Huff.


Read more on social media’s effect on our psychology:

Bill Barr spoke with Jan. 6 committee about Trump White House plan to seize voting machines

The House select committee investigating the Jan. 6 Capitol riot has reportedly spoken with former Attorney General William Barr about a draft executive order written by the Trump White House that would have called for the U.S. Secretary of State to seize voting machines and begin a special counsel investigation into the 2020 election.

The news of Barr’s cooperation with the committee came from the committee chairman, Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., who said during an interview on CBS’ “Face the Nation” Sunday that the panel had already spoken with a number of people about the bombshell revelation.

“To be honest with you, we’ve had conversations with the former attorney general already,” Thompson told host Margaret Brennan.

“We’ve also talked to Department of Defense individuals. We are concerned that our military was part of this Big Lie, promoting that the election was false,” he added. 


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It remains unclear who exactly wrote the draft order — but the language echoes conspiracy theories spread by former U.S. National Security Advisor Michael Flynn, MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell and Trump’s disgraced campaign lawyer Sidney Powell.

Thompson also said the U.S. military played at least a small part in vetting the draft — adding that while the plan was never carried out, there was “reason enough to believe that it was being proposed.”

“We have information that between the Department of Justice, a plan was put forward to potentially seize voting machines in the country and utilize Department of Defense assets to make that happen,” Thompson said. “Even though it’s a discussion, the public needs to know.”

More on the continuing aftermath of Jan. 6, 2021:

So what the hell happened to Boris Johnson — and can it happen to Donald Trump?

There’s a truism of conventional wisdom, broadly accepted on both sides of the Atlantic, that British and American politics since World War II have run in rough parallel. Sometimes one of the two Anglophone democracies gets ahead and sometimes the other falls behind, but roughly similar phenomena — adjusted for cultural differences and quite different political systems — tend to occur at roughly the same time.

Both nations experimented with large-scale social-democratic reform in the 1960s, under left-center political leaders — Lyndon Johnson in the U.S., Harold Wilson in the U.K. — who were ultimately undermined by that decade’s social discord. In the other direction, Maggie Thatcher became prime minister the year before her friend Ronald Reagan was elected president; between them they remade the political economy of the Western world, with calamitous consequences we’re still feeling today. Bill Clinton’s “New Democrats” emerged a couple of years before Tony Blair’s “New Labour,” inaugurating a triumphalist era of neoliberal reform politics that ended up pissing off the entire world — except for the investment banks and their political flunkeys, of course, who remain distressingly powerful and entirely cocooned from reality.

That brings us to the era of current British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and, um, You Know Who — the other morbidly obese guy with weird hair and bottomless self-regard, perplexingly regarded by many Americans as their “real” president despite the numerous ludicrous or reprehensible qualities I hardly need to explain here. Given the pattern described above, it’s tempting to wonder what Johnson’s apparent downfall in recent weeks — less than three years after he led the Conservative Party to a sweeping election victory on the promise to “get Brexit done” and, one might say, to make Britain great again — might mean for the United States. 

RELATED: After a big win for Boris Johnson and Brexit, British left faces the darkness

The correct answer is almost certainly “not much.” This looks to be a case where the differences between the two nations are more important than the similarities, and where the distinctive characteristics of British society — even two generations or more after the collapse of the British Empire and its rigid class hierarchy — are thrown into sharp relief. You may have read headlines suggesting that Johnson’s problem is about too much partying during the COVID lockdown, and/or insulting the royal family by holding a booze-up on the eve of Prince Philip’s funeral. It’s not quite that straightforward, but you’d be right to conclude that there’s not even an approximate American equivalent: There’s literally no one Donald Trump could insult, and no parties he could conceivably host, that could drive away his red-pilled supporters to this extent.

But the real differences are more structural. Boris Johnson isn’t exactly Donald Trump, despite a certain symbolic or semiotic resemblance. The British Tories aren’t even half as deranged as the contemporary Republicans, and never pretended that their loyalty to Johnson was more than instrumental. Perhaps most important of all, the U.K.’s arcane political system, although weird and broken in its own special way, simply doesn’t offer the same opportunities for anti-democratic subversion. 

No one in Britain has suggested any significant changes to voting rights (which are effectively the same across all four nations or regions of the U.K.) or has ever claimed that any election results were fraudulent. For that matter, the prime minister is not chosen by a democratic vote in the first place, and no one pretends otherwise. Essentially, it’s as if the speaker of the House were also head of government; there is no “executive branch” in the American sense. If Johnson is forced to resign before the next British general election in 2024, the new prime minister will be chosen by his fellow members of Parliament and paid-up members of the Conservative Party — an electorate of roughly 200,000 in a total population of 67 million.


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That doesn’t mean the trans-Atlantic comparison isn’t instructive in various ways. It’s clearly the case that the floppy-headed, overripe schoolboy in 10 Downing Street has seen his support abruptly collapse, both among the establishment Tories around him in Parliament and the voters who gave him a resounding majority in 2019. Exactly how and why that happened is a longer story, but for now let’s note that this is exactly the kind of karmic payback that Donald Trump’s enemies have imagined so fervently and yearned for so long. “Responsible” figures on the political right have awakened at last! And realized, not a moment too soon, that they had sold out their so-called principles and tethered themselves to a corrupt and incompetent con man!

OK, not quite. That reassuring fable doesn’t have much to do with what’s been happening in London in recent weeks: If the Tories are fleeing from Boris Johnson, it’s because he suddenly looks like a loser — a classic case of the sinking ship leaving the rat. It’s too early to know how things will play out amid all the backstage backstabbing in Westminster, and it would be entirely typical for Johnson to try to hang onto power until the next national election in 2024, even at risk of torpedoing his own party. Nonetheless, it seems reasonable to suggest that politics in the U.K. show signs of a possible return to “normal,” something that has decidedly not happened here. 

There was plenty of normal-ish but exciting political drama last week, with the British media abuzz over the possibility that anti-Johnson lawmakers within the Conservative majority might force a motion of “no confidence” that could push him out. (For parliamentary reasons I won’t even try to decode, it would take 54 signed letters from members to compel such a vote.) Tory senior statesman David Davis, who was once in charge of Brexit negotiations under former Prime Minister Theresa May, attacked Johnson in the House of Commons, quoting words directed at Neville Chamberlain in 1940: “You have sat there too long for all the good you have done. In the name of God, go!” One conservative MP literally “crossed the floor” to switch parties and join the Labour opposition during parliamentary debate, something that hasn’t happened in decades.

For the moment, Johnson’s intra-party foes are waiting for a civil servant’s report on the idiotic technical question of whether the PM actually knew that holding parties in the courtyard at 10 Downing Street while the rest of the country was in full lockdown was breaking the law. (Johnson loyalists have even argued that since “No. 10” is Crown property, the laws that kept normal people indoors simply didn’t apply.) But none of this would be happening in the first place if Johnson’s popularity hadn’t cratered, both among the posh suburbanites of the English Tory heartland and the working-class voters in post-industrial areas who backed him on Brexit — that latter group the closest U.K. equivalent to Trump voters.

Whether the Labour Party, under its charismatic but fatally indecisive center-left leader, Keir Starmer, is in any position to stage an electoral comeback remains to be seen. (Labour hasn’t actually won a general election since Blair’s final victory in 2005.) Since the ouster of leftist former leader Jeremy Corbyn after the big Tory win of 2019, Labour has itself been consumed by internal faction fighting and has failed to put forward any coherent agenda — another situation that may sound familiar to Americans of the liberal or progressive persuasion.

But pretty much nobody now believes that Boris Johnson will lead the Conservative Party into battle against Starmer’s vaguely-remodeled Labour in 2024, whereas the only question surrounding Donald Trump is whether or not he really wants to run, not whether Republicans will slavishly agree to nominate him as long as he’s breathing. New Statesman columnist Paul Mason wrote a fascinating essay last week about why “working-class Tories” have turned on Johnson, which goes some distance toward explaining why nothing similar has happened in the United States. English working-class conservatism, Mason argues, “remains broadly guided by a specifically Tory ethos going back to Thomas Hobbes“:

It believes humans are bad, destructive and chaotic without firm government. That society is organic and should not be tampered with. That there are no “natural rights” for a state to trample. And that only an authoritative, educated and trained elite can be trusted to govern. … The deal at the heart of working-class conservatism is that, since only the elite can govern, it has to govern well, and honestly. …

Its role models are those upper-class officers in First World War films, who went manfully over the top armed with a whistle and a revolver. Compared with them, it’s easy to conclude that Johnson is the kind of bloke who would have shot his own big toe off to get to the rear, and then claim he didn’t know it was against the regulations.

Donald Trump is of course also the “kind of bloke” who would shoot his own foot off to avoid anything difficult or painful, but the specifically American form of working-class self-hatred doesn’t involve any belief that “an authoritative, educated and trained elite” can govern well or honestly. Both Johnson and Trump announced themselves from the start as members of the upper crust who were self-evident frauds, liars and cheats. But only one of them, to this point, has seen that become an overwhelming negative.

More from Andrew O’Hehir on Britain, America and this moment in history:

How to store cut avocados so they don’t look gross

Unless you’re making a giant batch of guacamole (can I come over?), there’s a good chance that you’ll be left with half an avocado that you need to store after making toast or salsa. Uncut avocados can quickly turn from a beautiful green color to brown in what seems like mere minutes. So what’s the best way to store half an avocado to delay its inevitable browning?

How to store half an avocado

Storing half an avocado is similar to storing guacamole, which is to say lemon or lime juice is your best friend. The acidity from the lemon juice will help to prevent mashed or cut avocados from turning brown quickly. The best way to store half an avocado is to squeeze a little bit of juice over the cut side of the avocado, cover it with plastic wrap tightly, and store it in the refrigerator.

There’s also the option of freezing avocados for long-term storage. Scoop out the flesh from the cut avocado, dice it, and store it in a single-layer in a freezer-safe bag. If you intend to use leftover avocado for smoothies, you can pre-blend the fruit with a little bit of lemon or lime juice to form a purée. Transfer the purée to an airtight container and scoop it out whenever you’re ready to use it.

Beyond this method, there are so many other theories for how to store cut avocados, from brushing the flesh with olive oil to submerging it in a shallow pool of water to using reusable silicone fruit huggers. Experiment and let us know what method works best for you.

How to store whole avocado

Let’s say for argument’s sake that you haven’t cut the avocado yet. If your avocado is ripe and you’re saying “Wait, stop, slow down! I’m not ready to use you yet,” just store it in the refrigerator, which will slow down the ripening. Keep it in the crisper drawer of the fridge and it should last for two to three days.

If you have unripe avocados that you want to ripen quickly, store them in a paper bag at room temperature on the countertop of your kitchen. (Pro tip: You can also use a can cooler or Koozie with the avocado tucked snugly in it!) Storing fruit like avocados or even bananas in a paper bag will create ethylene gas (it’s a good kind of gas!), which will speed up the ripening process. If you’re fine waiting a few days for the avocados to ripen, there’s no need to store them in a paper bag.

Trump instructed Michael Cohen to make sure Don Jr. went to jail instead of Ivanka

According to a report from Business Insider, Michael Cohen admitted on Saturday that Donald Trump instructed him in 2012 to make sure that Don Trump Jr. be the one to take the fall instead of Ivanka Trump during an investigation by Manhattan’s district attorney into lying about property sales.

In an interview with MSNBC’s Alex Witt, Cohen recalled that the former president was concerned about Ivanka’s well-being if she was sentenced to jail and that Don Jr. would handle it better.

According to the report, Cohen told the MSNBC host, “You may recall that there was the district attorney’s case here for Trump Soho where it was either Don or Ivanka was in very big trouble as a result of lying about the number of units that had been sold.”


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“And Donald said it to me – I mean I wouldn’t say it if it wasn’t said directly to me – he goes ‘if one or the other has to go to prison, make sure that it’s Don because Don would be able to handle it, ” he continued.

Cohen later said that he doesn’t expect Ivanka to willingly appear before the House committee investigating the Jan 6th insurrection and claimed the first daughter would likely plead the 5th before explaining, “Ivanka is only interested in Ivanka.”

You can read more here.

More on the continuing aftermath of Jan. 6, 2021:

We are all the “Fraggle Rock” Trash Heap now

I was afraid of her at first. Intimidated. Like the Gogans from the original “Pete’s Dragon,” like baths and clowns, the Trash Heap from “Fraggle Rock,” the Jim Henson-created, children’s puppet musical comedy show, scared me as a young child. 

“Fraggle Rock” premiered in 1983. What was interesting about the show immediately was that it invented a whole biosphere of characters in various sizes and with varying roles: the Fraggles, furry-tailed creatures who live in caves and like to have fun; the Doozers, tiny construction-minded beings who diligently make mini buildings out of radishes, which the Fraggles then eat; large monsters called Gorgs who are the monarchs or think they are; and even humans, known to Fraggles as “the Silly Creatures from Outer Space.”

Outside of the Fraggle caves resides the Trash Heap. The Muppet Wiki describes the character, named Marjory, as “a large, matronly, sentient compost heap.” Picture a puppet made of dead, brown leaves. “The Trash Heap knows all and sees all,” according to the Muppet Wiki. “In fact, Marjory is all.” Along with the leaves, Marjory is made of banana peels, citrus rinds. Occasionally one may glimpse a bottle or egg carton or tin can in her dark folds. Originally voiced by Jerry Nelson, she sometimes wears a horn-rimmed lorgnette, fans herself with plastic and sings torchy, bluesy songs.

In 1987, the original “Fraggle Rock” went off the air. Now in 2022, Apple TV+ is airing “Fraggle Rock: Back to the Rock,” executive produced by Lisa Henson and Halle Stanford of The Jim Henson Company and longtime Henson collaborator John Tartaglia. The main Fraggles are back in the welcome reboot, characters like Gobo, Mokey, Wembley, Boober and Red. So is the catchy, joyful theme song.

So, blessedly, is Marjory. 

As an adult, I’ve turned into a connoisseur of bubble baths. Clowns are okay. But the Trash Heap has become simply excellent. Not only that, but Marjory can speak to us, pandemic-weary and burnout, now more than ever more. In 2022, we are the Trash Heap.

Related: What the fuzzy animals of Netflix’s “The House” can teach “Don’t Look Up” about climate anxiety

The Fraggles come to the Trash Heap for sage advice, which she freely dispenses, along with those jazzy tunes. Many episodes of the original series feature an adage from her, always memorable: “Relax. Go with the flow. Go with your nose.” Most of her wisdom is about trusting yourself, even or especially if you are a tiny, uncertain creature.  

Unlike the other characters in the “Fraggle Rock” world, there’s only one Trash Heap. She exists by herself at the edge of Fraggledom, sinking down when she’s sleeping or feeling dejected (relatable). Fraggles visit her, but they always want something. Usually, help or hope.

Community was always huge in “Fraggle Rock,” how the groups live together and help each other—sharing the same water system, for instance. The Doozers rely on the Fraggles to eat their buildings, so that they have room and reason to build more, just as the Fraggles rely on the Doozers for tasty, crunchy construction. With this and other environmental storylines, “Fraggle Rock” was an early lesson for me in ecosystems.

But the Trash Heap doesn’t really have that support. She’s isolated, relying on the randomness of objects thrown away to survive. She lives outside of safety and is alone. Her only consistent companions? Two rats who may be acolytes, lackeys — or sons, home all the time now thanks to remote school

Like the Trash Heap, we’re mired. Most of us can’t travel, or even move about our world safely in the ordinary ways we did before (at this point, I would be excited to go to the post office). Plans are canceled, put off indefinitely. We’re as stuck as a garbage mound. 

Still, the Trash Heap stresses the importance of fresh air, of taking advantage of the small breaks available to us, especially in nature. In an episode of the original show, when a Fraggle tells her he doesn’t have an idea, the Trash Heap answers: “Go sit quietly under the tree at the end of the garden and think of one.”

Most of the Trash Heap’s 1980s proclamations are timeless, advice we would do well to listen to now, like wearing a hat. “Get eight hours sleep,” she admonishes a Fraggle who has come to her for unrelated assistance. “Exercise and eat well,” her rat boys chime in. “Oh, like cherry cheesecake!” the Trash Heap says. 

Face it, we’re made of trash, like Marjory. “I’m orange peels. I’m coffee grounds. I’m wisdom.” Like us on our best days, Marjory makes the best of what she has — even though all she has, quite literally, is garbage. “Let this be your lucky blanket,” she advises Fraggle Boober, who has lost his good luck charm, giving him a quilt that just landed in her dump. She lies a little, inventing a mythology of someone great who owned the blanket before. When Boober asks why the previous owner would give the blanket up, if it was so lucky, the Trash Heap magnanimously answers: “Maybe he wanted to share. Sometimes that happens when you have everything you want.”


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The Trash Heap is a moldy mound of resilience. There’s drama in season 2 when the Gorgs (who don’t understand she’s alive and magic) move her in order to build a gazebo. But she escapes the fate of many fall leaf piles and is not burned. She’s not thrown into the river, even though that’s threatened. She weathers the crisis. She reinvents herself and is relocated, a process which, oddly, turns her briefly into a man, and changes her accent (Nelson’s somewhat fluctuating accent has been described as Eastern European, Russian, and with Yiddish inflections). But who hasn’t been through it since 2020? 

“It’s hard to kill a trash heap,” Marjory says simply. 

Like the oracle of leftovers, we have everything we need inside us — it just doesn’t always feel that way, maybe especially not right now. “Listen to the little voice inside,” Marjory reminds. In the Apple TV+ reboot, which is refreshingly faithful to the original’s look and spirit, the Trash Heap is a little quieter. Her accent faint or gone, she’s gained (garbage) bags beneath her eyes, but she’s no less powerful. The Fraggles call her “an icon.”

Listen, we’ve all changed (the show also replaces elder inventor Doc with a science grad student, who is a young woman). But trashy wisdom remains the same. “Don’t be alone. Get some friends. Friends help.” Things are better with a song and with company, even the virtual kind. And things are better with “Fraggle Rock.”

“Fraggle Rock: Back to the Rock” is now streaming on Apple TV+. Watch a trailer for it below, via YouTube.

More stories like this:

The delta variant is infecting placentas, likely causing stillbirths

While the world is now suffering a surge in cases of COVID-19’s omicron variant, the delta variant, previously the dominant strain, is still very much alive. Indeed, because more time has passed since delta first appeared in India in December 2020, more research is beginning to surface around how it differs from previous variants of SARS-CoV-2 — especially in pregnant people.

In a new study published in the Journal of Infectious Diseases, researchers at Massachusetts General Hospital and Brigham and Women’s Hospital report that they detected the delta variant in the blood and placentas of women who had stillbirths and serious pregnancy complications.

Previous studies have suggested that COVID-19 poses a threat to pregnant women and fetuses. But the new research adds to a suspicion that the delta variant in particular could be especially dangerous to those that are pregnant.

RELATED: Is COVID a disease of the blood vessels?

Andrea Edlow, a maternal-fetal medicine specialist at Massachusetts General Hospital, and Edlow’s colleagues analyzed the nasal swabs, umbilical cord blood, and placentas of three women who had COVID-19 late in their pregnancies. Two of the women had stillbirths, and the third woman’s fetus experienced distress and was delivered by an emergency cesarean birth. None of these women had been vaccinated against the COVID-19.

The researchers found in the blood samples that all the women had detectable levels of delta in their nasal swabs, and in their placentas. Viral sequencing confirmed that each woman was infected with the delta variant.


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“All the moms had detectable virus in the bloodstream. All had high levels of detectable virus in their nasal swabs. All had infected placentas,” Edlow said. “This was definitely different from what we saw with the ancestral strain of SARS-CoV-2 during the first part of the pandemic.”

The suspicion first surfaced that delta could pose a greater threat to unvaccinated pregnant women in late November, when the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reported that pregnant women with COVID-19 were four times more likely to miscarry than uninfected pregnant women during the stretch of time when delta was surging in the United States.

“It seemed like we were seeing even more sick moms and a disproportionate number of stillbirths,” Edlow said about the 2021 delta surge.

As Salon previously reported, doctors were taken aback by how many pregnant women they were seeing in the ICU.

“We are seeing more pregnant individuals coming in with severe COVID-19 disease that is severe enough to require intensive care unit, admission and intubation,” Dr. Melissa Simon, an obstetrician gynecologist and professor at Northwestern University’s Feinberg School of Medicine, told Salon in August 2021. Simon said it was “concerning, because we’re talking about not just the health of the pregnant person themselves but also the fetus.” “This is really serious,” Simon continued. “The numbers are increasing, and we could prevent that — the vaccinations could prevent that.”

Jonathan Li, is an associate professor of Medicine at Harvard Medical School (HMS) said while COVID-19 is largely thought of as a disease that affects the lungs, it can travel throughout a person’s bloodstream and cause severe complications, like organ failure. (Some previous studies have characterized SARS-CoV-2 as a virus that infects the cardiovascular system in general.) It’s possible, the researchers note, that the delta variant entering the bloodstream caused inflammation in the placenta, which could have caused complications.

“Our testing showed that the virus was widely disseminated in these three patients,” Li said. “This represents another example of the systemic manifestations of COVID-19.”

What makes the delta variant more dangerous than previous strains remains unknown — as does the risk omicron poses to pregnant people. The researchers emphasized that vaccination is still the best strategy for pregnant people to protect themselves.

“Yet stillbirth, preterm birth, and poor neonatal outcomes are all associated with getting COVID-19,” Edlow said. “If you want to do the best thing for your baby, get vaccinated.”

More on pregnancy & Covid:

In India, aquaculture has turned a sprawling lake into fish ponds

Until the 1980s, Kolleru Lake was a sprawling shallow body of water. At its deepest point during the monsoon season, the water only reached 10 feet, yet the lake covered a surface area of 350 square miles — roughly the size of Dallas, Texas. Located in the southeast state of Andhra Pradesh, Kolleru was among India’s largest freshwater lakes. Known for its biodiversity, the lake was a popular stopover for migratory birds, such as flamingos, which fed from the shallows. Humans, too, derived sustenance from the lake: not just a wide variety of fish, but also rice. Local residents would sow seeds in the summer during the monsoon season and then harvest the rice later in the year, when the lake’s boundaries had receded.

Today, many of those rice paddies are gone, and the flamingos are beginning to disappear, too, along with a myriad of other bird species. Instead, the region is marked with houses, shops, roads, and human-made ponds. On any given day, fish farmers tend to their stocks — tossing feed into the water, extending nets, and otherwise contributing to a growing aquaculture industry centered on carp and shrimp. As this industry has expanded, it has fundamentally reshaped the region’s topography. These fish ponds, once limited to the shoreline and shallows, are now being built farther and farther into the lake. As a result, scientists say, the water has been severely degraded. And not only that: What remains for most of the year cannot rightly be called a lake.

“Open water we can see only during the monsoon period,” said Meena Kumari Kolli, a geography researcher who earned her Ph.D. from the University of Marburg in Germany. Kolli has used GIS mapping techniques to study how the region has changed over the past few decades. Outside of the rainy season, she said, there are now only fish ponds, dry marshlands, and weeds — “the lake actually doesn’t exist.”

Aquaculture is the fastest growing food production industry in the world, according to the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization, and India ranks second globally in aquaculture fish production, contributing more than 8 percent of the world’s farm-raised fish. Indian aquaculture has developed rapidly over the past few decades, said Joeri Scholtens, a fisheries researcher and an assistant professor at the University of Amsterdam. Scholtens says that this kind of rapid growth is unique to India and was possible only because of the nation’s abundant natural resources and government subsidies. The subsidies were part of the country’s Blue Revolution, a program initiated by the central government in the 1980s to boost the economy by increasing production of marine products.

That rapid development is a double-edged sword in Andhra Pradesh, India’s top seafood exporter. Local communities overwhelmingly support aquaculture’s expansion, but they also lament the loss of the lake as a source of food and drinking water. Scientists, meanwhile, insist that industry must be curtailed. They point not just to the pollution, but also to the dramatic declines in native fishes and migratory birds. The ecological imbalance will only get worse, they say, if the region’s aquaculture is allowed to expand.

Land use map of Kolleru Lake in 2018. While the lake was a sprawling body of water until the 1980s, geography researcher Meena Kumari Kolli says now open water is only seen during the monsoon season. Visual: Kolli et. al / Water, 2020

* * *

Commercial fishing came to Andhra Pradesh in 1975, when the state allowed Kolleru Lake’s shoreline and shallows to be converted to fish farms. In the ensuing decades, the international demand for fish and shrimp products rapidly expanded, and farmers increasingly transitioned from rice to aquaculture with the help of government subsidies. In the process, the aquaculture industry encroached farther and farther into the lake. Around the same time, in 1999, the region was named a sanctuary under India’s Wildlife Protection Act. And in 2002, the Kolleru wetland was named a Ramsar site, a designation given to wetlands considered to be of international importance.

These forces — a rapidly expanding aquaculture industry and environmental protections — existed in tension with one another, and the conflict peaked in the early-to-mid 2000s, when the region was hit by severe flooding. The floods devastated the aquaculture industry, said S. Narendra Prasad, a former wetland researcher at the Salim Ali Center for Ornithology and Natural History in Hyderabad. Local scientists, who had long warned the government about the lake’s environmental degradation, took the opportunity to call once again for greater regulation.

In 2006, the central government responded, launching Operation Kolleru, an effort that was to destroy many of the region’s fish ponds for good. According to government records, no new ponds within the bounds of the sanctuary have been registered since 2006. In an interview with Undark, B. K. Das, the director of the Indian Council of Agricultural Research-Central Inland Fisheries Research Institute, said that “all the ponds around Kolleru Lake, as per the guidelines, have all be dismantled.” Any problems with environmental deterioration have been taken care of, he added.

But this is only partly true. When the fish ponds were destroyed, local farmers were left without viable employment opportunities, said Kolli. And so many local residents rebuilt their ponds. This time, they didn’t register those ponds with the government.

Biologist B.C. Choudhury was working at the Wildlife Institute of India in Uttarakhand when he went to the Kolleru region in 2011, as part of a government-led effort to consider downsizing the lake’s wildlife sanctuary. By that point, said Choudhury, many aquaculture ponds were destroyed but others continued to exist. Regions where the water had once reached 3 feet deep now hosted ponds, buildings, and busy roads. The villagers wanted to push farther into the lake’s center, creating new farms, effectively shrinking the lake even further. The committee, however, recommended against this. The committee’s report was met with strong opposition, said Choudhury. “The economic interest is so overpowering that every other interest is to be sacrificed in the altar of that economic interest.”

Facing pressure from local farmers and those in the aquaculture industry, the state government moved forward with a resolution to reduce the size of the lake and convened another expert committee in 2015 to study the potential impacts. The committee ultimately recommended that nearly 13,673 acres of private land be removed from the sanctuary. While the boundary change hasn’t happened, recent satellite imagery still shows a remarkable picture from the sky: a region covered in dark green blocks — fish ponds.

From 2008 to 2018, fish production in Andhra Pradesh more than tripled. Last summer, the state announced that it will aim to triple current production.

* * *

On a sunny day last September, Akinen Satish Kumar and his crew of laborers were waiting adjacent to a pond, where leaping carp broke the surface of the water; other carp wiggled in 13-gallon buckets that would soon be sold. Kumar said his pond was a paddy farm until the late 1990s, when he dug out a pit and transformed it. What grows inside these mud-based ponds varies, but farmers in the Kolleru region mostly raise carp and shrimp.

When Kumar created his 1.5-acre pond, he was able to simply fill it with water from the lake or from a nearby river. But now those waters have become too salty — the result of pollution dumped locally and of sea water migrating from the Bay of Bengal. So Kumar adds a chemical treatment that makes the water suitable for fish growth. After harvesting the fish, he does what other nearby farmers do: He drains the chemical-laden water into what remains of Kolleru Lake.

When lake water isn’t available, locals can access ground water, which in many cases is just 10 to 15 feet underground. But that water is degraded and not fit for drinking, said Krishna Raju Bale, a local resident who works at one of the fish farms. Now, Bale and others buy drinking water from the store or from one of the large trucks that transport clean water from a nearby town. But for some residents, buying water is an unaffordable luxury. Krishna Durga Bale (no relation to Krishna Raju Bale) gets her family’s water from the ground or the lake, and when possible, she boils it. But, she said, her budget is tight and the cost of cooking gas is soaring. Sometimes it isn’t possible to boil the water before consuming it. She and her family often suffer from fever, she said, and digestive problems — the direct result, she believes, of drinking the contaminated water.

A bulldozer attempts to remove weeds from the lake.
Farm laborers toss feed into the water from a boat.
Farmers preparing to weigh and sell their fish.
A fish pond, separated from another pond by a line of coconut trees.

Subrata Das Sharma, a geoscientist at the National Geophysical Research Institute in Hyderabad, has spent a decade identifying pollution in the lake and trying to understand its sources. Over time, he said, the water in Kolleru Lake and its tributaries has been depleted, opening up space for saltwater to fill in. That saltwater comes from the Bay of Bengal, which is more than 20 miles away. While this kind of saltwater intrusion has occurred in other water bodies, Das Sharma said, it usually only happens when the saltwater source is much closer, fewer than 5 miles away. The researcher has also found industrial pollution in his lake samples. In a 2020 paper, he identified possibly toxic metal ions like chromium, copper, manganese, and zinc — the result of aquaculture and other industries’ dumping their waste directly into the lake.

Farmers are not unaware of the degradation. Sitting on a motorbike next to his 2-acre fish farm, a young man named Pavan Kumar acknowledged the pollution but said some level should be accepted. “If you want to grow that,” he said, “we require some chemicals.”

Locals have also observed the disappearance of native fish species. “Over the past 20 years, many fish species that could easily be found in the Kolleru region have disappeared,” said a local laborer named Gokarneswarudu, speaking through a translator. (Like many Indians, he goes by just one name.) Now, he said, he can neither find enough fish in the lake nor enough work to sustain his family. He remembers how local species such as bullseye snakehead and catfish, both of which are used in curries, were once abundant, but now hard to catch.

S. Sandilyan, ​​a former fellow at the Center for Biodiversity Policy and Law in Tamil Nadu, said that these native species are declining because of pollution, habitat loss, and commercial fish, which sometimes escape from ponds and go on to thrive as invasive species.

Kolleru is also losing its birds, including migratory species such as painted storks and Siberian cranes. All the new development has transformed their traditional fishing spots and pushed out their preferred fish. In search of nourishment, some bird species try to feed from the aquaculture ponds — to the chagrin of the farmers. This has led to bird-human conflicts, said Goldin Quadros, a scientist at Salim Ali Center for Ornithology and Natural History, in Tamil Nadu. Quadros is referring specifically to the gun shots that periodically punctuate the region’s soundscape. With every shot, birds startle then haphazardly fly away from the fish ponds.

“There could be some birds like pelicans which would adapt and feed,” said Quadros. But small migratory birds depended upon the wetlands to serve as their refueling station. Those wetlands, Quadros said, are gone.

R.C. Bhatta, a marine economist based in Karnataka, said that India’s Blue Revolution did not include money or create space for conservation and protection of native species. “The basic mandate remains to increase production,” he said.

It’s doubtful that the residents of Kolleru would support conservation, anyway — at least not in the absence alternative employment. In interviews, locals repeatedly expressed dismay whenever Operation Kolleru was mentioned. The government, Krishna Durga Bale said, likes birds more than its own people.

Still, scientists who have been studying the lake for years can’t help but note the consequences that additional development will bring to this already degraded ecosystem. Soon, Kolli said, this once sprawling lake will entirely disappear.

* * *

Monika Mondal is an independent journalist based in New Delhi, India. Her work focuses on the environment, agriculture, and sustainability.

All photos by Monika Mondal for Undark.

This story was produced with support from Internews’ Earth Journalism Network.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Sunrise Movement’s Varshini Prakash on not losing hope on climate change: “I’m still here fighting”

Director Rachel Lears’ (“Knock Down the House”) inspiring, angering documentary, “To the End,” which premieres at the Sundance Film Festival, follows four women — representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez; Sunrise Movement executive director Varshini Prakash; Justice Democrats executive director Alexandra Rojas; and Rhiana Gunn-Wright, Climate Policy Director at the Roosevelt Institute — as they work for climate change initiatives and the Green New Deal

The film traces these women’s efforts to raise awareness and create change over a three-year period, starting in 2018, with the fires ravaging Paradise, CA, through the 2020 election cycle, up to the November 2021 vote on Biden’s Build Back Better bill. They are all concerned that the climate crisis is not getting the attention and policy it needs. If the Green New Deal is adopted, jobs and enhancement to make life more sustainable are viable. Moreover, economic, social, and racial justice will also improve. 

RELATED: Susan Sarandon leads a protest against the Squad at AOC’s office: “We’re losing hope”

Varshini Prakash is particularly active in the campaign, staging a Sunrise Movement sit-in at Nancy Pelosi’s office in 2018. This action is impactful; the organization mushrooms to 300 chapters. There is also optimism as youth activists support Bernie Sanders‘ in his 2020 Presidential run because he is advocating for the Green New Deal. When Biden is elected, Prakash becomes an adviser to his climate task force (along with AOC). Then, in October 2020, several Sunrise Movement activists staged a hunger strike to protest against Senator Manchin’s stranglehold on the Build Back Better bill. These episodes, as well as other setbacks — such as Jessica Cisneros’ failure to defeat U.S. representative Henry Cuellar — show the fight for change will not be quick or easy. 

Prakash spoke with Salon about her efforts to create change and making “To the End.”

How did you get involved in this documentary, and what do you hope your participation in the film would achieve?

Really, I was not expecting to get involved in the film. It was probably following the 2018 Pelosi action that Sunrise Movement did and representative Ocasio-Cortez participated in. That’s how we got involved with each other. The movement and the visibility around the Green Deal exploded in that moment and it became this conversation that was really becoming a hot-button litmus test in the Democratic party and on the presidential trail. Rachel was paying close attention to it as she watched these women powerhouse candidates in the 2018 midterms and came across us through that process. 

You couldn’t have anticipated how you would be featured in the film. Can you describe the process?

I feel the first couple years of being filmed, the movement was exploding. At that time, we went from 10 chapters across the country to have 10,000 volunteers banging down our doors asking, “How do we get involved?” Dozens of congressional officials are paying attention to us. Thousands of articles are being written about us. I felt like all of 2019 and 2020 was drinking from the firehose.

For so much of it, I know Rachel was there, but I didn’t process it was going to be made into a movie and tell a story of my life and those of other young people who had a vision and were experimenting and putting our hearts out in to the world. It’s both exciting — because it is important that that story gets told — but it was also deeply nerve-wracking for me to see that happen, because it’s a level of vulnerability I didn’t anticipate. [Laughs] I just knew my friend Rachel was there at every event, and retreat, and meeting we had. I trusted her because I knew “Knock Down the House.” She was very aware of the ways in which our work is sensitive and can be used against us and she built a lot of trust from the beginning.


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You talk about hating the news as a child, but now you are making the news. What can you say about your politicization? How did you become active in this?

I’m not clear that I like politics now, either. [Laughs] But I think at a certain point you realize that everything that you care about — every value that I hold so dear — the need for people to experience equality when it came to food, water, and the air we breathe, and seeing the level of injustice that was perpetrated on communities that experienced the climate crisis. As I got older, I didn’t feel politics was for me, but I knew that I would never have a seat at the table if I didn’t fight for it. And this realization, that politics is not the end of the road, it is just a tool that we use to get there, and it is the way we govern societies and how power is distributed — whose life matters and whose doesn’t. To me, it’s not about wearing the suit and walking around Capitol Hill, playing the part of a powerful figure, it’s about exerting yourself, and participating and being an active part of your democracy and making your world better and seeing that as the core purpose of your life every day. Politics doesn’t have to be this thing that is inaccessible to all of us. It is what we make of it when we participate. A lot of ordinary kids who have a vision, a dream, a drive, and a passion and compassion for the world around them, is the ultimately motivating force that can change the world.

Mic drop! Can you talk about the impact of Sunrise Movement’s activism? 

We set out in 2017 to build a youth political force that could make climate change matter in our politics. It’s incredible to remember just how much politicians would not touch it. It was the third rail in American politics and even in the Democratic party. We didn’t necessarily play by the rules or do everything politely, but because we agitated, and organized, and were disruptive, and because we challenged the status quo – in the 2020 presidential cycle, we saw every major candidate release climate platforms, swear off oil and gas money, and set a precedent and a bar for policy that will have to be held up for every president that follows. We saw the real proliferation of a Green Deal, a decades-long social and economic mobilization that our country must undergo to solve the climate crisis. Economic and racial justice become how we understand climate action and solutions for the crises rather than silver bullet market solutions that may just be one piece of the puzzle.

What is most inspiring to me is to see the level of latent energy and the firecracker that is ready and willing to explode in youth energy that is freaked out and wants to do something about it and is just waiting to be ignited. That was the greatest victory of the last few years. People see the demonstrations, but they don’t see the trainings, the collaboration, the artwork, the learning, and relationships and experimentations that happens. They see the efforts that succeed, but not the ones that fail and develop the young people. That piece keeps me inspired and activated — every time you see a 16-year-old discover their agency for the first time and feel powerful and that they can do something to impact the world.

You worked with Bernie Sanders, who advocates for the Green New Deal during his failed 2020 Presidential campaign. After Biden was elected, you became an adviser to his climate task force. His Build Back Better bill was actually more ambitious than Bernie’s work with the Green New Deal. Can you talk about that and your work in that capacity? 

We advised on the policy framework for Bernie’s policies that he ran on. When he lost, one of the core concessions was this Bernie-Biden unity task force, and I served on that. It was a unique opportunity to bring so much of the vision that Bernie and Sunrise were fighting for on the campaign trail and bring it into the agenda Biden ran on and won. It was an opportunity. We knew we weren’t going to end up with Bernie’s climate platform, but we were able to improve on and add a whole host of different climate policies that, if passed in the languishing BBB sad landscape of today, would be huge. Like the civilian climate core that would employ potentially thousands of young people from disadvantaged communities to clean up our environment and advert a climate catastrophe. It was pretty scary to be on that task force, but also in those moments, you remember when you are in that room, you have opportunity as young people to bring our values and vision and policies that matter to us to the table. 

I’m just so sick about Senator Manchin.

It’s honestly devastating. We were so close, and to see someone in party destroy it, it was extremely painful.

Can you describe the complexity of emotions you experience in your work? The film shows that you have a thick skin and resilient nature to do this work. How do you stay optimistic?

I find that the key to staying optimistic or having hope is – well, not spending too much time on Twitter – but also really allowing yourself and honoring the feeling grief, pain and fury and whatever is moving through you. In the climate movement, people can lose themselves in the gloom and doom or pretend everything is OK and not process the grief. So, a big thing for me is creating strategies to feel the full scope of the emotional intensity of work — journaling, meditation. We have a strong storytelling culture in our organization and ensuring that I am not letting myself numb or get subsumed by the emotional intensity of what I’m feeling. And having a strong spiritual practice of gratitude. There is something about being really intimate with the potential demise of the world that makes you almost ironically really intimate with the beauty of it and the immense gratitude we should feel to be here. Being able to hold both of those things at once is key to my ability to persevere.

It’s mourning the loss before you have it. You talk about the numbness you felt reading the 2021 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report from the climate change summit, and I share your terrifying fears that we are not doing enough to create a better, safer, more sustainable planet. We also need to combat social, economic and racial inequality. If our politicians aren’t responding what can we do? 

Organize better, organize smarter. We need to build power that can outweigh the power of these extremely corrupt organizations and corporations that are throwing our future into peril. The struggle that we have had to pass climate policy — or any policy that will help people — in this country is devastating, and it begs more questions not just for the climate crisis, but for the future of this country and where it is headed. But I’m positive that the only antidote to a very uncertain and chaotic future is for people to get involved. From my understanding, that is the only thing that has ever truly changed the course and direction of a country’s history. There are these technological fixes and changes that might happen, but we have seen the ways in which organized money and power has resisted those shifts. Ultimately, it has to be organized masses of people that make it happen. There’s still hope. I’m still here fighting. And I will be. That doesn’t mean there aren’t dark days, but the reason we call ourselves Sunrise is because we believe the sun is going to rise again and we believe that is on the horizon. We have to hold on to that hope even in the moments that feel the darkest. Because otherwise, how is anything going to change?

“To the End” premieres at the Sundance Film Festival

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After Roe v. Wade: Now the fight for reproductive justice moves to the states

Trepidation fills many progressives as we approach the 49th anniversary of Roe v. Wade. While most Americans continue to support legal access to abortion, a conservative Supreme Court supermajority stands poised to gut if not overturn the decision later this year in the Dobbs v. Jackson case. And it would be a foolish dream to imagine that our current fragile, deadlocked federal Democratic trifecta can shepherd legislation guaranteeing abortion access through to passage. The fight for reproductive rights is headed back to the states.

This makes building progressive, pro-choice power in our states urgent and existential. As we prepare for state battle, progressives must commit to two principles. First, we must embrace the fight for state power as a vital, necessary part of the progressive project. State and federal power exist in interdependence, and progressives must permanently pledge to build power at both levels. Second, we must envision the capacity of states to do more for us than solely protect the right to an abortion. Legal abortion is necessary, but not sufficient. It must be the floor, not the ceiling, in the struggle to establish the human right of bodily autonomy. In this moment, let us also reimagine what our states could do for us, and indeed to demand that our states create the conditions under which reproductive justice can be achieved. 

Building state power is necessary for the progressive project

Progressives have long been wary of “states’ rights’ and federalism. As dean of Yale Law School and federalism scholar Heather Gerken has explained, the concept of states’ rights has been invoked to defend deeply abhorrent institutions in our history, including slavery and Jim Crow. Thus progressives look to national power, and rights derived under the federal Constitution, as the gold standard for establishing civil rights and other protections. In my view, progressives’ continued wariness of states, in terms of both institution-building and narrative-building, leaves a tremendous amount of power on the table. By ceding institutional and narrative control about the importance and value of state power, progressives directly serve conservative interests that have ruthlessly and successfully sought to build power at this level of government for centuries. 

RELATED: When SCOTUS guts Roe: The covert plan to provide abortion pills on demand – and avoid prosecution

A different approach is to push beyond the stale, false binary choice between building federal power and building state power. They are interdependent levels of power — we must do both. We can organize and advocate for electoral, policy and doctrinal victories at the federal level, and celebrate them when they occur. At the same time, we can also tend to the gardens of our states, where building power is just as important. We need to shift the narrative beyond the conception of state power as inferior and even unsavory, and instead understand federal and state power as interdependent, symbiotic and necessary at both levels to achieve progressive goals. In addition to that narrative shift, we need a massive redistribution of progressive effort, strategy and resources toward our states. As states grow in power, we must reckon with and embrace their positive potential in order to achieve the protections and conditions we so deeply desire. 

Imagining, and demanding, reproductive justice in our states

Once we commit to invest as much in states as we do in federal power-building, we can do the work of envisioning states as virtuous venues for progress — and demanding that they deliver on this promise. As the unparalleled, uncompromising American feminist bell hooks said, “To be truly visionary we have to root our imagination in our concrete reality while simultaneously imagining possibilities beyond that reality.” 


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In our current reality, we cannot rely on the courts or the federal government to protect our reproductive rights. But we can imagine different realities — including one in which states are bastions of progressive policies that dismantle barriers to abortion access. And we can further imagine a reality in which reflective state legislatures create the conditions under which we have both the freedom to control our bodies and to parent with dignity, so that we can achieve full reproductive justice. 

The reproductive justice organizing framework, created by Black women such as Loretta Ross, centers the experiences and leadership of Black women and communities most affected by oppression. It asserts the importance of fighting equally for several human rights, including the ability to choose to have a child, or not to, as well as the ability to parent with dignity. This framework includes abortion access as a key human right, and also recognizes that reproductive self-determination is directly linked to community conditions. Social and policy conditions as varied as the ability to access quality health care, to receive fair wages and experience safe work conditions and to live in safe homes with clean air and water are inextricably tied to reproductive autonomy, access and freedom. 

Critically, many of these conditions have always been, and are now increasingly, controlled by state government. Indeed, as we brace for the potential of a “post-Roe America,” we must remember that there has never even been a uniformly “Roe America.” Abortion access has always been conditional — on class, geography, race and ability. Decades of public policies at the state level rooted in systemic racism and inequality have created ground-level conditions in which poor people, Black people, indigenous people and other people of color often remain situated farthest from the promise of reproductive justice.

As we approach Roe‘s anniversary this year, progressives must be clear-eyed about the work ahead. We must push beyond stale narratives about “states’ rights” and instead embrace the fight for state power as a necessary and permanent aspect of our struggle. We must reimagine states as expansive and transformative venues for the future — not just the future of reproductive rights, but of reproductive justice.

Read more on the fate of abortion rights and the struggle for reproductive justice:

The trouble with farmland “investment”

If you’re reading this article, it’s only a matter of time before ads for Acretrader will appear in your Instagram feed, urging you to “unlock the long-term wealth potential” of a unique kind of investment: farmland.

You’d be in moneyed company. Bill Gates is now the leading owner of acres in the U.S., and other billionaires, global corporations and pension funds are increasingly buying up fertile acres, while publications like The New York Times and Business Insider increasingly point to soil as a source of income.

The reasoning is simple: farmland is a good investment because it’s a limited resource (there’s only so much land in the U.S. and the number of undeveloped acres keeps shrinking) and it’s in high-demand, given food production is so essential. Over the last several decades, its value has steadily increased, and many consider it “inflation-proof.” As Acretrader writes on its website, “land is one of the oldest investment classes in existence, producing vast wealth over generations.”

But while investors and corporations are excited about the cash potential, farmers — especially beginning farmers who have not inherited land and Black and Indigenous farmers who are up against centuries of land theft and discrimination — are finding it harder and harder to purchase their own acres, as the rush to invest drives prices up even further and puts farmland ownership out of reach.

“Access to land directly determines who has the opportunity to succeed in agriculture,” and ownership of that land “has a cumulative effect on farm viability,” since it provides collateral and security for long-term improvements like infrastructure and conservation, according to a 2020 Land Policy report from the National Young Farmers Coalition.

However, since land is so expensive and beginning and BIPOC farmers using organic and regenerative systems are at such a disadvantage, some farmers are turning to environmentally-minded farmland investment companies as one of the only pathways towards accessing land at all, even if it is rented, and say that they wouldn’t be able to compete otherwise.

Here are some basics on the increasingly complex world of farmland ownership and whether investments in land are helping or hurting farmers, communities and the environment.

Corporate, foreign and billionaire farmland ownership

When it comes to who is buying up farmland, Farm Action (formerly Family Farm Action Alliance) president Joe Maxwell is concerned about three things — corporate ownership, foreign ownership and billionaires who are focused solely on profit — but he sees corporations as the biggest threat. “Sometimes their eye is not on the production value of that land specifically but on the ability to control the food chain,” he says. “Who is going to control that land is a serious problem for the future of food production.”

Not only does corporate ownership drive up farmland prices, he said, but “corporations live forever,” so the same opportunities for land transition, where farmland is passed on or sold to new farmers each generation does not exist.

At the Missouri Rural Crisis Center, which has been working to support family farmers and rural communities since 1985, Tim Gibbons has been fighting against that kind of control for a long time. For more than 30 years, Missouri did not allow for foreign ownership of land, but in 2013, state legislators passed a law that allowed one percent of the state’s farmland to be owned by foreign interests. Not long after, Smithfield Foods, which is owned by a Chinese corporation WH Group and is the largest pork company in the world, purchased 40,000 acres.

Smithfield is a vertically integrated company that often owns the feed, animals, and processing used in its pork production and contracts with farmers to raise the animals. Sometimes it also owns the farms themselves, including, in this case, the land. The company confines thousands of hogs indoors in Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations (CAFOs), which are typically clustered in certain areas, leading to environmental degradation from the vast amounts of hog waste produced and other negative impacts on local residents. Its resources are unfathomably vast, making it nearly impossible for independent, small farms to compete, especially as CAFOs get bigger and bigger. In 2017, the largest 403 hog farms in Missouri, which represented 15 percent of the state’s hog farms, accounted for more than 99 percent of the total hogs sold.

Farmland investment companies

Where companies like Acretrader, Farmfolio and Gladstone Land Corporation fit into the picture is even more complicated. These companies use different financial structures to allow multiple investors to own pieces of land that make up a larger farm or buy into a fund that includes multiple farm parcels, which the companies are then involved in managing. For example, Acretrader investors can buy into a $3.1 million dollar corn and soy operation in Illinois by putting in $20,000. Acretrader then rents the land to farmers. In some cases, the firm buys the farm from the farmer and then leases it back to them.

In Maxwell’s mind, this model is just another spoke on the same problematic wheel of farmland not being owned by the people farming it. “It’s all a pitch to people with money who want to balance portfolios,” he said, and the vast majority of the wealth generated by the land will then leave the area instead of contributing to rural communities. These funds also generally put their money into the largest industrial farms that will drive the highest profits, further stacking the deck against smaller, diversified farms that prioritize sustainable practices and feeding local communities.  (Acretrader did not respond to requests for an interview by press time.)

He’s even skeptical of investment options that claim to be mission-based. Iroquois Valley, for example, is a farmland real estate investment trust (REIT) that buys and owns farmland and allows individuals to buy into those investments, but it specifically offers long-term leases to organic and regenerative farmers with a goal of providing land security for organic farmers and the accompanying social and environmental benefits.

Anna Jones-Crabtree is one of those farmers. With her husband Doug Crabtree, she owns Vilicus Farms, and together they farm 13,000 acres in northern Montana using organic, regenerative practices. They grow grains like oats and white spring wheat and legumes like lentils and peas in long rotations to build healthy soil, and about a quarter of the land is kept in non-crop conservation including pollinator habitat and wetlands. They also run an apprenticeship program for beginning organic farmers.

As they expanded their farm over the years, Jones-Crabtree said Iroquios Valley was essential to their success. The company purchased a 960-acre parcel near the land they were already farming and leased it to them, and it included a house, which allowed them to bring on a permanent, full-time foreman who is now also operating a regenerative grazing program.

Jones-Crabtree said she might have been able to get a mortgage to purchase the land, but she didn’t want to take on more debt, and after getting to know Iroquois Valley, she decided they were not like other farmland investment outfits. “They really care about farmers,” she said. “It was a relationship, not a transaction.”

Iroquois also helped the Vilicus Farm team transition acres into organic production and understood the time and resources required to do that and provided them with a line of credit when traditional banks set up to service conventional commodity grain farms couldn’t understand their unconventional model.

The curse of James Garfield: A history lesson from one of America’s most tragic presidents

If you’re a liberal Democrat, you’ve probably been feeling cursed for a while. Every time it seems like things might get better — for America, the world or both — bad luck strikes, and the result is a massive setback.

Just look at this decade. Joe Biden won the 2020 presidential election with more votes than any other candidate in American history, but because Donald Trump refused to accept defeat, the moment was soured. Now Republicans are trying to strip away voting rights, potentially empower their own partisans to overturn election results and otherwise render it difficult for Democrats to ever win national power again. Faced with Mitch McConnell’s intransigence and a pair of Democratic senators who refuse to dump the filibuster — even though that arcane procedure literally makes it impossible for their own party to govern — Biden has also taken the blame for Republican mistakes, notably the bungled Afghanistan war (started by George W. Bush and concluded by Trump), which Biden wrapped up with an admittedly ugly withdrawal.

Now Biden and the Democrats face the ominous prospect of entering the 2022 and 2024 elections as unpopular incumbents, with historic precedent suggesting they will likely lose the first of those and face a difficult path in the second. As a result, I’ve already written about the history of the 1934 midterm elections, which may offer Democrats a more hopeful precedent this year. To imagine what a favorable narrative might be for 2024, it may be useful to consider a president best known for sharing his name with a grumpy cartoon cat who dislikes Mondays. Enter James Garfield, whose story resonates surprisingly well today. Garfield’s tale is about great potential needlessly squandered, noble crusades repeatedly frustrated and atrocious bad luck reflecting the most squalid and stupid of human foibles.

RELATED: Can Democrats break the midterm curse? Maybe — consider the example of 1934

In other words, it’s a story today’s Democratic voters may well recognize. 

Garfield was literally born in a log cabin in rural Ohio in November of 1831. Raised by a single mother who was desperately poor, he faced relentless bullying as a child and sought escape through constant reading and writing. Determined to better himself, he entered the workforce at 16 and held a number of jobs in early adulthood: Canal worker, carpenter’s assistant, janitor, teacher. He worked his way through college, had a religious awakening (somewhat surprisingly, he’s the only president who was an ordained minister) and was admitted to the bar. Those who knew him were struck by his intellect: He became fluent in Latin and Greek, was a talented public speaker and became well-known for his esoteric academic pursuits. Perhaps the most famous of these was his discovery of a trapezoid proof for the Pythagorean theorem, which he pursued during his downtime while serving in Congress.

To his immense credit, Garfield was horrified by slavery and became a passionate abolitionist. He joined the newly-founded Republican Party because its main purpose was to limit slavery’s spread. In 1860, when the Southern states seceded and launched the Civil War rather than accept the election of Abraham Lincoln, Garfield immediately supported the Union cause. But while many of his contemporaries only fought to preserve the Union, Garfield made it clear that the true moral cause behind the war was to end slavery. As a newly elected Ohio state senator, he could have avoided military service, but Garfield resigned his office and in 1861 enlisted in the Army. He eventually rose to the rank of major general and so impressed his contemporaries that in 1863 he was nominated to run for Congress from Ohio’s 19th district. He won that seat and held it until his victory in the 1880 presidential election. To this day, he remains the only sitting House member ever elected president. 

This was not the only unusual thing about Garfield’s election. Based on the normal cycles of party politics, he shouldn’t have won at all. 

Few presidents have entered office amid more turbulent circumstances than Garfield’s predecessor, fellow Republican Rutherford B. Hayes. Official winner of the controversial 1876 election, in which both parties blatantly cheated, Hayes carried the nickname “His Fraudulency” until his dying day. He was only allowed to take office without an accompanying second Civil War through the Compromise of 1877, which effectively ended Reconstruction, withdrew all remaining federal troops from the former Confederate states and starting the Jim Crow era of brutal racist oppression and segregation. Otherwise Hayes’ term was largely forgettable, other than his handling of the Great Railroad Strike of 1877 and inability to provide any material relief amid an economic downturn. The Republicans suffered massive defeats in the 1878 midterm elections, losing control of the Senate and sustaining further losses in the House, which was then divided four ways with the “independent Democrats” and the Greenback Party, as well as the official Democrats and Republicans. 

Yet somehow, just two years later, another Republican won the presidential election: James Garfield. How did he pull that off? 

First of all, the Republicans were deadlocked in choosing a nominee. Hayes kept his promise not to run for re-election, and the apparent frontrunner was former President Ulysses S. Grant, seeking a third term after four years out of office. He was challenged by two popular insurgents, Sen. James G. Blaine of Maine and John Sherman, Hayes’ secretary of the Treasury. The party was split between warring factions: the “Stalwarts,” who wanted a patronage system for party loyalists, and the “Half-Breeds,” who backed civil service reform. There were also economic disagreements on tariff and currency policy, and Republicans faced an obvious electoral disadvantage, with Black people in the South largely stripped of the right to vote.

Garfield entered the Republican convention as a Sherman supporter, not a candidate. Even describing the Ohio congressman as a “dark horse” would be an exaggeration: No one following the 1880 election thought he was even in the race. Yet in a scene worthy of the movies, Garfield changed that with a half-improvised speech on behalf of his champion, one so well received it convinced the delegates that he was the man they’d been looking for. One passage stands out:

Twenty-five years ago this Republic was bearing and wearing a triple chain of bondage. Long familiarity with traffic in the bodies and souls of men had paralyzed the consciences of a majority of our people; the narrowing and disintegrating doctrine of State sovereignty had shackled and weakened the noblest and most beneficent powers of the national government; and the grasping power of slavery was seizing upon the virgin territories of the West, and dragging them into the den of eternal bondage.

It is easy to imagine why this would have electrified the assembled delegates. Garfield went through the Republican Party’s history, issue by issue, and cloaked their most cherished causes in the soaring moral rhetoric of a preacher. He reminded Republicans of their party’s highest ideals, which united them far more than the disputes between the Grant and Blaine factions divided them. His concluding argument was that delegates from both sides should join behind Sherman, yet as Garfield continued his speech, a contemporary reporter recalled,

curious remarks were made about it. Those who were utterly unable to recognize the secretary of the treasury in the ideal man whose portrait Garfield drew, begin to think that the picture was Garfield’s picture of himself. Suggestions to this effect have been frequently made to-day by men who are in no way hostile to Garfield, and who see in the course he has pursued during the Convention indications of an honest desire to advance his own fortunes.

As the convention dragged on, contemporaries later recalled, Garfield’s speech lingered in their memories. This unlikely moment, and its outcome, stands as a testament to the power of eloquence and charisma, and a reminder that the shape of history is not always decided by the cynical calculations of powerful business and political interests. Literature on the 1880 election makes clear that if the delegates hadn’t felt so stirred by Garfield’s appeal to their better angels, they would have picked Grant, Blaine, Sherman or some other alternative. Instead their inability to break the deadlock made the declared candidates look worse and worse, while Garfield looked better and better by comparison. Despite Garfield’s strenuous objections — he insisted he was not a candidate and wanted Sherman to be president —  a stampede began in his favor, and he became the nominee. 


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But how did he go on to win the general election after that? Presidential candidates in that era did little active campaigning on their own, so Garfield’s role was primarily about strategy rather than oratory. The Republicans did two things right: They repeatedly reminded the voters that their opponents were associated with white supremacy and treason, and they hit the Democrats on bad economic policy as well. To do the former, they brought up memories of the Civil War, slavery and the brutal mistreatment of African Americans in the South. Democrats described this as “waving the bloody shirt,” but Republicans dismissed that criticism for what it was — an attempt to vilify them for telling the truth. The major pocketbook issue was tariffs, and Republicans argued that the Democrats’ incoherent tariff policy might lead to lost jobs. 

In the end, Garfield won — albeit by a razor-thin popular vote margin, less than 2,000 votes out of more than 9.2 million cast. (His electoral college victory was far more decisive, 214 to 155.) His presidency began with big promises, including plans to clean up government and fund a universal system of public education. His only actual major achievement, however, was one Supreme Court appointment. On July 2, 1881, after less than four months in office, Garfield was shot in the back at a Washington railroad station by a failed writer and lawyer named Charles Guiteau, who believed the new president owed him a lucrative appointment. 

That wasn’t the end of the story: The gunshot wound was relatively minor, and even in the 19th century was potentially survivable. But Garfield’s doctors rejected the newfangled notion that they should wash their hands, and he apparently suffered a major infection as a result. To this day medical experts don’t exactly know what went wrong, but after a few weeks of apparent recovery, Garfield gradually declined and finally died on Sept. 19, two and a half months after the shooting. 

If Garfield had survived, both his contemporaries and later scholars have agreed, history might have been different. He would have had carte blanche for at least the next few months after his recovery. The world had breathlessly followed every news report on his health, and during the period when he could still work after the shooting, Garfield considered initiatives to address racial inequality and further honest government. It’s entirely likely that in a full term he would have proposed creative policies we can barely imagine today. 

Of course Garfield had his flaws. He sometimes moderated his positions in Congress out of political opportunism, and was implicated in a banking scandal that involved corruption in financing the Union Pacific Railroad. I don’t seek to depict him as a heroic martyr, only as an example of a political leader who genuinely wanted to do good things on a grand scale, but was frustrated by dreadful luck.

If there are hopeful lessons to be drawn from the Garfield story, we have to look past its conclusion. Political wisdom suggested that the incumbent party — the most progressive one of the time — was doomed in the 1880 election, but Garfield defied that precedent through the sheer power of his personality, rhetoric and idealism. On a more pragmatic level, Republicans grasped that they didn’t need to reinvent the wheel to overcome the hurdles of incumbency. They just had to motivate their most loyal voters, and refuse to waver in the face of bad-faith attacks by their opponents.

Finally, the Garfield story is another reminder that the old adage about history repeating itself remains true. It is frustrating when that means the bad luck of the past can come back to bite us in the present — but it is comforting because things can also get better, if we keep the past visible in our rearview mirror.

More from Matthew Rozsa on the lessons of American history:

Former Trump aide Boris Epshteyn admits to fake elector scheme on national TV

A former White House aide admitted Friday night on national TV that he helped organize a campaign to submit fake electoral certificates from several states that falsely claimed former president Donald Trump won the 2020 election.

Boris Epshteyn, who was subpoenaed this week by the House Select Committee investigating the Capitol insurrection, told MSNBC: “Yes, I was part of the process to make sure there were alternate electors for when, as we hoped, the challenges to the seated electors would be heard and be successful.”

Epshteyn went on to claim that “everything that was done was done legally, by the Trump legal team, according to the rules, and under the leadership of (Trump lawyer) Rudy Giuliani.”

CNN first reported Thursday that Giuliani “oversaw efforts in December 2020 to put forward illegitimate electors from seven states that Trump lost, according to three sources with direct knowledge of the scheme.”


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“The sources said members of former President Donald Trump’s campaign team were far more involved than previously known in the plan, a core tenet of the broader plot to overturn President Joe Biden’s victory when Congress counted the electoral votes on January 6,” CNN reported.

At least two state attorneys general have referred investigations into the fake electoral certificates to the Department of Justice.

Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel, a Democrat, has said she believes those who signed the certificates violated multiple state and federal laws.

Clips from Epshteyn’s interview and reactions below:

More on the continuing aftermath of Jan. 6, 2021:

Joe Rogan podcast controversy underscores bigger problem driving misinformation: Analysis

Joe Rogan’s controversial interview with anti-vaccination virologist Dr. Robert Malone caused such an uproar that more than scientists, doctors, and other health professionals signed an open letter to Spotify as a petition for his podcast to be removed from the platform.

While Rogan’s spread of misinformation is quite alarming, a new analysis published by NPR’s Shannon Bond explains how the controversy surrounding his situation underscores a bigger problem; one that appears to be a bit more difficult to regulate. In the open letter, health professionals and members of the scientific community argue that online platforms like Spotify have enabled right-wing figures who have become adept at spreading misinformation.

“We are in a global health emergency, and streaming platforms like Spotify that provide content to the public have a responsibility not to add to the problem,” said Katrine Wallace, an epidemiologist at the University of Illinois Chicago’s School of Public Health.

“Their friends and family were sending it to them as evidence that the vaccines are dangerous and that they shouldn’t get it,” she said. “It provides a sense of false balance, like there’s two sides to the scientific evidence when, really, there is not. The overwhelming evidence is that the vaccines are safe and that they’re effective.”


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Researchers specializing in the study of misinformation have suggested that it was inevitable for podcasts to become a point of contention. Like social media platforms, Bond notes that podcasts give individuals the ability to reach build large audiences. But despite the long reach, podcasts have not faced the type of scrutiny social media platforms have. So, why is that? Podcasts give influencers the ability to spread misinformation by way of audio.

Evelyn Douek, a research fellow for the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University, explained why podcasts are far more difficult to regulate as it becomes a matter of words compared to audio.

“Wherever you have users generating content, you’re going to have all of the same content moderation issues and controversies that you have in any other space,” said Douek.

RELATED: Joe Rogan’s latest controversy: YouTube scraps controversial podcast episode with anti-vax scientist

According to Bond, Douek also noted that “it’s also harder to ferret out falsehoods and hate speech in podcasts compared with posts written on Facebook and Twitter.”

Valerie Wirtschafter, a senior data analyst at the Brookings Institution, also weighed in with a similar perspective noting the distinction of audio and the potential problem it poses in the podcast world. “Audio can be a powerful way to spread misinformation because of all the qualities that make the format so compelling to listeners,” said Wirtschafter.

Wirtschafter also stressed the importance of scrutinizing audio in the same manner written social media posts are.

Exxon pledges to cut emissions — but not from its oil

On Tuesday, oil giant Exxon Mobil announced that it aims to achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. More specifically, it has the “ambition” to reach net-zero emission from its operations within the next 28 years. “We’ve got a line of sight,” Exxon’s chief executive, Darren Woods, said in an interview with the New York Times. “By the end of this year, 90 percent of our assets will have road maps to reduce emissions and realize this net-zero future.” The plan builds on an announcement Exxon made last month that said the company is aiming for net-zero emissions from its operations in the Permian Basin by 2030. 

Exxon follows in the footsteps of ShellBP, and Total — European oil companies that announced net-zero climate plans in 2020 — and U.S.-based Chevron, which unveiled a net-zero plan last year. With the exception of Shell, which has been ordered by a Dutch court to reduce its global emissions 45 percent by 2030, oil companies are making these pledges to get cleaner voluntarily in response to pressure from the public and investors and to market forces that have made renewable energy generally cheaper than fossil fuels. Exxon, which concealed evidence that its products caused climate change in the 1970s, has been slow to hop on the net-zero bandwagon. Internal documents leaked to Bloomberg Green in 2020 showed that the company expected its operational emissions to increase through 2025.

Now, the company has changed its tune, saying it has made a list of 150 modifications to its business practices that would whittle down emissions, like transitioning its operations to renewable energy. 

But experts say Exxon’s net-zero plan has a major blind spot: It only covers Scope 1 and 2 emissions — the emissions the company produces directly, while digging for oil, for example, and the emissions produced by the utilities it buys its power from. The plan doesn’t extend to cover Exxon’s largest contributions to climate change. They’re called Scope 3 emissions, the greenhouse gases produced by the companies clustered along Exxon’s supply chain and the emissions produced by customers who buy and burn the company’s oil and gas. 

“It’s not the best plan because it’s only targeting a small slice of the company’s overall emissions,” Paasha Mahdavi, an assistant professor of political science at the University of California, Santa Barbara, told Grist. What’s more, the plan doesn’t stack up to similar net-zero plans from Exxon’s competitors because Exxon hasn’t promised new investments in non-oil activities. Mahdavi, who worked on an analysis of the top 10 major oil and gas companies’ decarbonization plans, said even Chevron, which has a plan that looks very similar to Exxon’s, has promised someinvestments in renewable energy and other non-oil projects. Exxon’s plan mainly revolves around making their existing oil and gas operations marginally greener. 

“Exxon is the only one that has not made any meaningful investments in solar, wind, electric vehicles, renewables, anything,” Mahdavi said. “This announcement fits into that vision of what the future transition will hold. From their perspective, it’s oil and gas.” 

There is one silver lining in Exxon’s announcement: It’s taking methane more seriously. Methane is a potent greenhouse gas that is 86 times more powerful than carbon dioxide in the first 20 years it spends in the atmosphere. Recent analyses show that the methane that leaks out of active and abandoned oil and gas operations, as well as the methane purposely emitted  by gas operators in a practice known as venting, accounts for a much larger slice of warming than previously thought. Exxon’s plan includes resources dedicated specifically to reducing methane emissions and methane flaring. “It’s something they should have done a long time ago,” Mahdavi said, “but at least they’re targeting it, right?”

Lawyers and Secondary Traumatic Stress, or: On the dispersal of brain matter in a Kentucky trailer

When a man’s head has been blown off with a shotgun, you’d expect there to be more of a mess. But a 12-gauge to the temple, at close range, can be surgically precise. I was a third-year law student, still in my 20s, when I learned that. Our clinic director gave us a foot-thick, plain-brown expandable file and told us to “turn over every page.” The photo of the victim was stuck in an unmarked manila folder, shuffled into a stack of ordinary-looking paper. At first it looked like an error in printing; like someone had taken a picture of a shirtless man, sitting upright in a wheelchair, but somehow cropped out the top half of his head. Even the bottom of his face, the nostrils, the graying mustache, the mouth still open in surprise, was intact beneath a sharply defined line that divided what was left of his skull from the rest of his trailer.

An image like that is not immediately shocking. You may have made an educated guess that what you’re looking at is horrific, but you don’t know why. By the time you comprehend it, you’re already immersed in it. You can’t pretend you didn’t see it. Nor do you have the luxury of flipping to the next page or slapping the file shut; you must carefully examine every detail of the scene for your client’s sake. When you do, you begin to understand why there is so little visible disarray in such a violent photo. It’s because the force applied to the matter in question was so great, and the matter so willing to yield. What would otherwise be large clumps of organic material have been broken up and dispersed into a barely perceptible red mist that has settled onto surrounding surfaces without betraying what it used to be: hair, eyeballs, an earring, the stored memories of a grandfather caught up in rural Kentucky’s extensive drug trade. Through an accident of physics, the gore is presented in a way that makes it bearable to the casual observer.

Over my career, I’ve seen a lot worse. Murder victims soaked in blood, brains scattered on the floor, eyes bulging out. Countless people twisted up, deconstructed, and otherwise dehumanized by police. Kids with their faces burned off, kids wedged under truck wheels, kids with baseball-sized bullet holes in their chests. Video of diabetic mothers dying, sometimes quickly, sometimes not, on the floors of jails and prisons. I once took photos of my partner holding a desiccated, splotchy rubber glove that was retrieved from the stomach of a nursing home resident months after someone rammed it down her throat. I even represented an honest-to-god axe murderer; I will spare the reader the details of that file. These images no longer bother me any more than my first look at the half-headed man in the trailer.

RELATED: Why I won’t stop writing about “trauma” to focus on joy

To be an American is to be surrounded by trauma all times. This may be a difficult fact to process for those of us who grew up in the sanitized bubble of the suburban middle class, but it is undeniable. Equally undeniable is that in the 21st century, most of us from that bubble are mercifully shielded from the worst of our violence. Bloodshed on American soil is thought to be a thing of the past, an anomaly when it happens in a school or at an office building, a news story that might take up 30 seconds of our workweek. For the most part, our children don’t die, our limbs are not amputated, our parents pass peacefully under layers of rubber and plastic. Even in a global pandemic, with hundreds of thousands of people dying everywhere, most of the dying is done where not even the deceased’s family can see it. Bodies are placed under sheets, slid into boxes, and safely stored underground or burned in giant furnaces. You might only see a few dead people in your life, and in the unlikely event that you witness the moment of someone’s death, it probably won’t be as traumatic as, say, a shotgun blast to the head.

The sterile myth of a gore-free existence persists in our fiction, too, in the realm of cop dramas, action movies and video games, where you might see death and blood, but in a way that is both fleeting and sensationalized beyond belief. The altogether incredible on-screen depiction of bloodshed provides little more than a pinprick to the eggshell in the brain. Credible accounts of carnage and despair, on the other hand, can crack it at the base, allowing reaction fluid to slowly leak out. And so we’ve developed the good sense to steer clear of such accounts when we can, slapping the file shut before we’ve got a head full of god-knows-what. This freedom from trauma is an under-appreciated luxury of the 21st century, a convenience of modern living, like refrigerated food or indoor plumbing. Rubbernecking delays, in which motorists hope for a glimpse of a mangled corpse, could only occur where such a sight is a novelty.

American lawyers are a part of a strata of workers who dare not turn away. We, along with therapists, social workers, journalists, healthcare professionals and schoolteachers must fling ourselves into varying depths of human suffering if we wish to maintain our professional reputations (and pay the rent). Like many attorneys, I have an affirmative duty to stare at artifacts of violence in an attempt to derive some sort of deeper meaning from them. Could this be something different than the witness, the other side, or the judge said it was? What details seem out of place? Where is the missing footprint/blood spatter/bone fragment? How much money is this injury worth? In the few cases where there are no photos or videos, a thorough advocate must still conduct searching inquiries into the worst imaginable tragedies. For us, it is not enough to know that someone’s father was crushed to death in a freak accident; we must ask pointed questions about who he called out for, what his last gasps sounded like, how long they lasted, whether he sounded afraid, how afraid?

RELATED: Mass shootings leave emotional and mental scars on survivors, first responders and millions of others

For all the questions that arise in examining the bits of carnal waste scattered outside the gates of the American legal system, one rarely asked is: “What is this doing to me?” As a general rule, we lawyers are good at assessing damages to others. We are not good at evaluating the psychological harm that we may have inflicted on ourselves by over-consuming the graphic details of humanity’s worst hits.

I had already been in practice for about ten years by the time I first heard the term “secondary traumatic stress.” STS, often called “compassion fatigue,” was identified in the early 1990s, and affects anyone who works closely with trauma survivors. It can be defined as “the stress resulting from helping or wanting to help a traumatized or suffering person.” In the legal context, secondary traumatic stress especially affects those who work in the criminal and family law spheres, though I suspect that anyone whose office regularly hosts sobbing, grieving clients is at risk.

STS causes the part of your brain that sympathizes with the misfortunes of others, if overexposed, to white out. The possible side effects of a trauma-rich diet can include irritability, depression, insomnia, destructive or reckless behavior, and — every lawyer’s favorite — substance abuse. There’s also “intrusive imagery,” which means muddled ghosts of what happened to other people will flit before your eyes throughout the day, only it’s your mother on the autopsy table in the middle of dinner, it’s your kid flattened by a tractor trailer while you’re standing in the coffee line. Some of the literature casually mentions “detachment or estrangement from others,” and “inability to experience positive emotions” as potential results. At the very least, your ability to care about stuff that people should care about is severely compromised.

I have not been, and will likely never be, formally diagnosed with STS, but these symptoms are familiar. After almost two decades of near-daily exposure to tales of trauma, my response to a family-shattering car crash in an adjoining lane usually isn’t rubbernecking, but more like “hurry up assholes, who gives a fuck about this shit, I’ve got somewhere to be.” Fun isn’t as much fun, sorrow isn’t as sorrowful, and while I don’t often think about killing myself, it’s mostly because the idea of suicide, like most ideas, just isn’t that exciting. Maybe after a few drinks.

Thirty years after the formal identification of secondary traumatic stress, lawyers can still go their entire careers without hearing of it. The term “compassion fatigue” only appears in seven cases out of the billions decided by American courts in the last thirty years. “Secondary traumatic stress” appears in only three. A handful of journal articles have discussed its impact on the American legal profession, but for the most part, it is simply not part of our standard lexicon. Universities continue to ignore its existence, even when they should know better. The American Bar Association, tasked with issuing volumes of rules governing every aspect of legal education, does not require law schools to discuss the effects of vicarious trauma, nor to cover any topic pertaining to mental health at all, and so most of them don’t. We still neatly package misery for students, leaving it as something to stumble upon as they leaf through files, as if it’s as ordinary as a rule of civil procedure or a trespassing statute. When they’re not looking directly at it, they’re poring over dry, clinical descriptions of suffering and death, discussing it as matter-of-factly as one might talk about the chemical makeup of Oxycontin.

Compassion fatigue’s better-known cousin is post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), a condition first identified by the American Psychological Association in 1980, but acknowledged by the scientific community long before. By now, PTSD is a household term. The condition, which affects an estimated eight million Americans per year, is defined by the APA’s Diagnostic and Statistics Manual (DSM 5) as:

Exposure to actual or threatened death, serious injury, or sexual violence in one (or more) of the following ways:

1. Directly experiencing the traumatic event(s).

2. Witnessing, in person, the event(s) as it occurred to others.

3. Learning that the traumatic event(s) occurred to a close family member or close friend. In cases of actual or threatened death of a family member or friend, the event(s) must have been violent or accidental.

4. Experiencing repeated or extreme exposure to aversive details of the traumatic event(s) (e.g., first responders collecting human remains; police officers repeatedly exposed to details of child abuse).

There is no separate diagnosis of secondary traumatic stress or compassion fatigue in the DSM 5. One might reasonably assume that that’s because the definition of PTSD already includes it in items (3) and (4). But nearly all the relevant literature, which by now encompasses thousands of books and peer-reviewed articles, addresses the pathology and treatment of (1) and (2) only. Number (4), where lawyers live, has been relegated to a handful of academics and the specialty journals who will publish their articles.

RELATED: You can “see” PTSD in a person’s eyes, researchers find

As such, STS remains a relative unknown. Those of us who intimately meddle in other people’s trauma are not thought to be victims of PTSD, and STS is not on the tip of America’s tongue, so many of us will never have a name for what we’re experiencing. The closest we can get to a diagnosis is “overworked,” “stressed” or maybe “depressed.” A 2019 article in the journal Traumatology reveals not only that we don’t know how to measure secondary traumatic stress, but we don’t really even know how to diagnose it. The select few of us who are able to get a bona fide diagnosis are left without a competent treatment, because we don’t yet know what one looks like. The pithy advice to engage in “self-care” seems to be the best we can do, and research shows that that oft-heard admonition just doesn’t work.

This disconnect has real-world consequences. We send more than 100,000 people, most of them young adults, into the legal profession every year. They, along with the over one million other American lawyers, will make the rules we live by; they will be legislators, they will sit on corporate boards, they will manage public institutions. Most of them will be regularly speaking the unspeakable things humans do to one another before they graduate law school. Before they know what they’re wading in, they’ll be up to their necks. They may at some point wonder why they feel alienated from their non-lawyer peers, most of whom are safely in a trauma-free bubble with the rest of the general public. They may wonder why they are drinking more, sleeping less and trying to figure out new ways to feel. They may wonder why they can’t stay in relationships, or why they yell at their kids so much. Or they may not wonder, because they may not think anything’s wrong. All these side effects can seem unremarkable when spread out over time and space. Even something as terrible as a trailer painted with brain matter isn’t immediately repulsive if you don’t know what you’re looking at.

One could be forgiven for not feeling too bad for lawyers with fried compassion circuits. This is what we get paid to do, after all, and most of us get paid pretty well. But STS is a problem that reaches far beyond the legal profession. America’s healthcare sector is the largest in the country, with more than 20 million employees and growing. Another four million work in education. There are around 800,000 people who identify broadly as “counselors.” Not all of these workers are going to experience compassion fatigue, of course; many of them may stay blissfully insulated from trauma, or at least are spared hearing about it every day. But they are all in the zone of danger. The problem is at least as big as PTSD, and probably bigger; for every one of the eight million Americans afflicted with PTSD, there may be many others who interact with that person and live their trauma vicariously. Most of them — especially those with no background in clinical psychology — won’t likely know that their brains are being hacked until it’s too late.

RELATED: This is how we address America’s mental health crisis

Some research suggests that STS might not only be as big as PTSD, but just as bad, too. A 1995 study correlated PTSD-like effects experienced by female psychologists and rape-crisis counselors with the number of trauma survivors they served: More clients meant more symptoms. A 2006 study of therapists found that the more hours they spent with trauma survivors, the more likely they were to exhibit classic PTSD symptoms. The effects of secondary traumatic stress have barely been studied outside the therapeutic context (and not at all within the legal profession specifically), but one 2011 study found that around 80% of juvenile justice workers experienced symptoms of, and nearly 40% met all the diagnostic criteria for, PTSD.

This essay should not be read as minimizing the experiences of anyone who has personally witnessed and survived a traumatic event. But where we’ve gone wrong is in focusing on primary trauma to the near-total exclusion of secondary trauma. Even if STS must be thought of as “PTSD-lite,” we still face a scenario in which far more people will suffer from PTSD than will ever be formally diagnosed, and most of them won’t be thought of as having “real” PTSD. More fundamentally, it’s worth asking whether PTSD and STS should be diagnostically lumped together in the first place. After all, the two conditions seem qualitatively different from one another. Lawyers and social workers are not combat veterans or mass shooting survivors. Witnessing a horrific event firsthand is not the same as hearing daily accounts of similar events. And reliving trauma is not the same as having to mold the contours of someone else’s worst nightmare into a treatment plan, a short magazine piece, or an argument that will evoke a response in a judge or a jury.

Until we do better at explaining what compassion fatigue is, or at least acknowledging that it exists, millions of workers will learn by being cast headlong into the cesspool the rest of us swim in, and they won’t know it until they’re soaked to the bone. Nurses will wake up drowning in someone else’s fluids, social workers will spit the teeth of their clients, schoolteachers will be seared by the lit cigarettes of their students’ abusive parents, and they’ll think it’s normal, just part of the job, something to walk off, shake off, or drink off. Without intervention, their capacity to care about the things they are supposed to care about will wane, a fact I am sure of after years of sitting in a trailer with no door, next to the empty shell of someone who might resemble my father or grandfather, his head scattered around the room in a manner that is not offensive to me, because I am offended by nothing.

This essay was originally published on Medium, and is republished here with permission from the author.

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Penzey’s sends out a spicy “Republicans Are Racists” promotional email

At the end of last week, as many were readying for a long Martin Luther King Jr. Day weekend, Penzey’s Spices CEO Bill Penzey Jr. sent a spicy promotional email to customers. 

He dubbed the upcoming sale “Republicans are Racists Weekend.” With a $10 purchase, customers were offered ½ cup jar of China Cinnamon, Mexican Oregano or Penzey’s Curry for free — plus, the inclusion of ten Black Lives Matter stickers, as well as a promotion on several spices that would donate profits to racial justice organizations. 

Although the email sent waves of outrage through the Fox News ecosystem, this is not the first time the CEO has used the company’s platform to make social and political statements. For decades since their inception in the 80s, Penzey’s has made products and flyers that comment on the American political landscape.

RELATED: “Food has forever unified people”: How Immigrant Food brings “gastroadvocacy” to the table

Penzey Jr. also made headlines in 2019 for spending over $700,000 in Facebook advertising dollars encouraging Trump’s impeachment, as well as discrediting the Republican party and Fox News. In an interview with The LA Times, Penzey said of their outward political stance: “The luxury of not being on a side is something of the past.”

In a profile by Helen Rosner in the New Yorker, Penzey explained his outspokeness, saying, “If, as a company, you have values, now is the time to share them. You may well lose a chunk of your AM radio-listening customers, but if you really are honest and sincere, don’t be surprised to see your promotions suddenly, finally, find active engagement with the Millennial generation.”

This philosophy is perhaps one of the greatest cultural casualties of a post-Trump world. Suddenly, on our steady descent into a hell where brands gain personhood, consumers expect or encourage social commentary from the corporations they buy cars, beer and spices from.


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From the hilariously infamous Kendall Jenner Pepsi ad, to Colin Kaepernick’s special edition Ben & Jerry’s flavor “Change the Whirled”, the popularity of social justice movements for racial equity have been viewed by many brands as a marketing opportunity. At the end of the day, all of these messages have one aim in mind: to sell more.

The aforementioned email sent by Penzey Jr. also encourages customers to partake in the special, with the intent to “cheese off racists for free”. 

When the prospect of giddily pissing off “racists” is as convenient as buying the products someone sells, the integrity behind these types of statements becomes unclear.

Earlier this month, on the anniversary of the January 6th insurrection, the brand released a special spice box. Here is the description:

“With our democracy at risk, this box is a tasty reminder to keep hope alive and vote (and cook). Try our salt-free Justice seasoning on lighter foods like fish, eggs, and vegetables,” the copy read. “Mural of Flavor is a wonderful all-purpose salt-free blend for chicken, pork, and potatoes. Pasta Sprinkle is perfect for all your pasta dishes plus so much more. Also included are handy tip cards and [an] ‘I Will Vote’ sticker.”

Penzey Jr. is undoubtedly adamant about his view that Republicans are racists; the company sent a follow-up promotional email on Jan. 20 with the subject line “Republicans’ Racism Isn’t a Victimless Crime.” In it, Penzey detailed how he had received “so many great emails from those on the receiving end of Republican racism just so happy somebody, somewhere gets it. 

Some, he wrote, were long and personal and had him in tears. 

“Others like this were short and sweet and the perfect vaccination against the thousands of angry ALL CAPS, Fox News-reader, cursing emails populating my inbox,” Penzey wrote. “‘I was having the sh**tiest day and this email made me smile. Fabulous to know there are folks out there that actually give a shhhh about how we are treated.” 

And while that may be true, when the company’s CEO sends out emails encouraging customers to “choose love,” know that he is also encouraging you to choose him as a recipient for your spending money. 

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Tucker Carlson bemoans fact he’s no longer attracted to “less sexy” M&M cartoons

M&M’s — the beloved candy-coated chocolate candy made by Mars — unveiled a few changes to its longtime group of cartoon mascots this week: giving the brown M&M “kitten heels” rather than her signature stilettos and changing out the green M&M’s boots for sneakers. 

The relatively benign changes were meant to promote “inclusivity” and bring the female-presenting characters in line with “current” trends that are more “representative of our consumer,” the company’s president, Anton Vincent said. 

But in a bizarre twist of events, right-wing commentators have seized on the changes as representative of a larger “cancel culture” sweeping the country — with Fox News host Tucker Carlson on Friday connecting Mars’ decision to make its cartoons “less sexy” to the decline of American society.

“M&M’s will not be satisfied until every last cartoon character is deeply unappealing and totally androgynous, until the moment you wouldn’t want to have a drink with any one of them,” he said. “That’s the goal.”


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“When you’re totally turned off, we’ve achieved equity,” he added.

To be entirely fair to the controversial Fox host, the sexual magnetism exuded by the green M&M has long been a surrealist meme found in the horniest corners of the internet — a phenomenon that started on Tumblr at some point over the last few years, according to an explainer in Forbes.

Still, Carlson became the subject of much mockery online for his opinions on the matter, which quickly went viral.

“We truly live on the dumbest of parallel earths,” one user wrote.

“You… wanted to have a drink… with an M&M? #DeeperIssues,” Rep. Eric Swalwell added

Why we should be thanking Joss Whedon and Jeff Garlin for their candor about workplace misconduct

The year is barely three weeks old and already we’ve been gifted with what may be the alpha and omega of 2022’s self-owns in Vulture’s interview with Joss Whedon. Doubling as a deep dive into the “Buffy the Vampire Slayer” creator’s career and legacy and an opportunity for him to spin his side of the story vis-à-vis multiple public allegations of abusive behavior, the one-time Equality Now award winner could not help himself.

There were confessions about his serial philandering and mistreatment of women.

There were his own rah-rah-feminism quotes coming back to haunt him, and his refusal to take any responsibility for the ill will he’s accused of generating during his reshoots of 2017’s “Justice League.”

There was his imputation that Gal Gadot’s claims that he threatened her career was a misunderstanding due to English being her second language, which she refutes. And there was his assertion that Ray Fisher’s allegations of abuse amount to sour grapes from a “bad actor,” which Fisher’s critically acclaimed performance in “Women of the Movement” repudiates.

Despite corroborated accounts of abuse from “Angel” star Charisma Carpenter and a hair-raising story from her “Buffy” co-star Michelle Trachtenberg of an unspoken rule forbidding Whedon from being alone in a room with her on set, he sums up his lot by mourning that people have been making him out to be a monster when in his view, “I think I’m one of the nicer showrunners that’s ever been.”

All told, Whedon transformed a chance to salvage his image into a kill shot to his career prospects for the immediate future.

And on behalf of every person made to suffer at their workplace under a boss or at the hands of a co-worker like that, I thank him for his candor.

RELATED: An abusive reckoning for “Buffy,” a badass, occasionally feminist show created by a monstrous man

Similarly, may I offer my gratitude to “Curb Your Enthusiasm” actor Jeff Garlin for his recent public attack of acute TMI, a symptom of foot-in-mouth disease? In case you missed that December kamikaze dive, Garlin took it upon himself to call Vanity Fair’s Maureen Ryan to answer a simple question ABC refused to comment on: Had he been fired from its sitcom “The Goldbergs” in response to multiple allegations of misconduct on the set?

As Ryan points out, it’s a simple yes or no question. Garlin drew out his response to an hour-plus exchange in which he tried to reframe offenses that sent people running to human resources. In one case he downplayed an incident as ” a joke that was completely missed.” He referred to other examples as “just me being, in my eyes, silly.” But the real gold is in quotes like the following:

“To me, if you’re a stand-in on a show and you don’t like the content or the behavior . . . If someone’s going after you, that’s different. But in terms of in general — well, then by God, quit, go someplace else.”

Soon after this story ran, and after three years’ worth of HR investigations into his behavior on the set, ABC and Garlin quit each other. As for the reasons for those complaints, Garlin explained, “It’s about me and my silliness on set. They [ABC] don’t think it’s appropriate. I do.”

Please understand, I am not offering my cheers in sarcastic celebration of Whedon’s and Garlin’s separate and unrelated authoring of their ironic reversals. I really do mean to express gratitude for their unfiltered perspective on how they abused their power in the workplace. In both cases, the veracity of what they claim isn’t as crucial to the larger societal discourse about worker mistreatment, ineffectual human resource departments and terrible bosses.

The treasure is in what their words reveal about how such people think.

As we reexamine the many reasons behind the so-called Great Resignation, that culture-wide trend of workers voluntarily leaving their jobs, one that bobs to the surface again and again is the end of our ability to abide thoughtless peers and terrible bosses.

In November 4.5 million Americans quit their jobs, setting a new record high according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Polling suggests many left those old jobs for situations offering higher pay and better overall working conditions. Alongside that, more of us are assessing how our day jobs impact our quality of life, which translates to our willingness to put up with bosses like Whedon and colleagues like Garlin.

Tempting as it is to view their stories of inappropriate behavior from the context of Hollywood messiness or betrayal, that’s not the true reason these stories matter. This isn’t to devalue the extent of Whedon’s betrayal to feminists who once valued “Buffy” or “Firefly” as female empowerment fantasies; it is, indeed, gravely offensive to read how extensively he exploited that reputation to hurt and humiliate women, including his ex-wife.

The cold, hard truth of it is that producers and directors have been cheating on their spouses with their actors, other subordinates and fans since Hollywood opened for business.  

The greater service in these stories is that they put voices, faces and a language to abuse and misconduct. They explain how it is that human resources departments and corporate overlords can claim to disagree as to what constitutes unacceptable behavior between managers and employees, or fellow associates.

It goes back to retrograde definitions of what constitutes abuse that begin with, “Did it leave a visible bruise or mark?” “Did the accused use one or more terms on this list of unacceptable slurs?” “Was the incident consensual?”

Whedon frames his behavior in the “Buffy” and “Angel” era as “uncivilized” and, towards Carpenter specifically as “not mannerly.” “I was young,” he told Vulture. “I yelled, and sometimes you had to yell. This was a very young cast, and it was easy for everything to turn into a cocktail party.”

Adding that he would never humiliate anyone, despite many claims to the contrary from unrelated parties, he explained, “If I am upsetting somebody, it will be a problem for me.”

This doesn’t excuse the inaction on the part of each man’s respective studios, mind you. But it does shed light on how influential directors, showrunners and actors – like any other bosses and colleagues with seniority – can explain away harassing, ridiculing, threatening and exploiting those deemed less powerful to the people who hire and keep on hiring them.


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Spend enough time in the workforce and you’ll probably encounter people like these as bosses or co-workers. They are in every industry, and they leave countless numbers of us banging our head against our desks when managers claim an inability to find fault with their behavior.

The main difference between their situations and that of the average worker who is fed up with mistreatment and quits is that the parties involved are famous enough for their words to be published in magazines and media sites.

Don’t just take my word for it. “If I said something silly and offensive, and I’m working at an insurance company, I think it’s a different situation,” Garlin told Vanity Fair. “. . . If I threatened people, that’s an unsafe work atmosphere. None of that goes on ever with me. That’s not who I am.”

Later he explains the kind of guy he is.  “The only word that I use, in terms of consistently, is when I stand up, I sometimes say — most of the time and I have for a hundred years, that doesn’t make it OK — I would go, ‘Oh, my vagina.’ And that’s just me being, in my eyes, silly . . . But a generalization that someone is offended at me saying, ‘Oh my vagina,’ when I stand up, I need more than that.”

Please note that on “The Goldbergs,” Garlin plays the bear-like father Murray.

There will be many people who will read this and agree with Garlin, finding nothing wrong with him allegedly proposing via text that a co-worker show up to a table read in nothing but panties. It’s just silliness, right? (Garlin also denies this happened.)

That is why he’ll keep getting work, including a part in Damien Chazelle’s “Babylon,” due to be released at the end this year. He’s also an executive producer on “Curb.”  

Whedon, too, is likely to be back up and running in a few years’ time, too. If you doubt that, please see Mel Gibson’s ever-expanding filmography. I mean, Gibson’s no Scott Rudin, am I right?

At the moment, he’s attached to seven films as either a star or a producer. And if he can still get work, you better believe the creator of “Dr. Horrible” will helm a film someday in the future.

But there are likely many others who will look at Garlin’s breezy confession and defense, or Whedon’s deluded self-portrait of an imperfect, misunderstood man, and find relief in knowing they aren’t crazy.

Bosses and colleagues who maltreat subordinates with ridicule or lack of consideration are as common as the companies who protect them. If they refuse to believe they’re in the wrong, that’s because their sense of their own greatness somehow convinces them otherwise . . . and as long as they’re getting results, HR departments and top executive agree with them.

As millions of people are proving, however, often in such situations the best and only option available is the exit. The rest of us have the luxury of changing the channel.

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