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Marvel finally adds a gay title hero in “Eternals,” only to have film banned in some countries

Marvel fans everywhere have been transfixed by stories of heroes who can fly, turn into monsters, manipulate elements, or have super speed. 

But some have a hard time with a hero . . . who also happens to be queer

In the latest MCU film “Eternals,” directed by Oscar winner Chloe Zhao, a race of immortal beings with superhuman powers secretly live on Earth for thousands of years and fight evil Deviants before they destroy human life on Earth. One of these heroes is Phastos (Brian Tyree Henry, “Atlanta”), who has a relationship with a human man and starts a family with him.

RELATED: Watch first “Eternals” trailer featuring “Game of Thrones” alums

Qatar and Saudi Arabia have reportedly pulled “Eternals” from theaters because Phastos shares a same-sex kiss with his partner in the movie. The LA Times reports, “Listings for ‘Eternals,’ which had been publicized before, are unavailable on websites in both countries, as well as in Kuwait. Regional booking website elCinema.com, which posts theater listings by country as well as what’s coming soon, also doesn’t list ‘Eternals’ in several Gulf countries.”


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Angelina Jolie, who plays a fellow Eternal named Thena, said in an interview with News.com, “I’m sad for [those audiences]. And I’m proud of Marvel for refusing to cut those scenes out . . . I still don’t understand how we live in a world today where there’s still [people who] would not see the family Phastos has and the beauty of that relationship and that love. How anybody is angry about it, threatened by it, doesn’t approve or appreciate it is ignorant.”

“Eternals” is part of the MCU’s Phase Four content that includes “WandaVision,” “The Falcon and the Winter Soldier,” “Black Widow,” “Loki” and “Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings.” 

Homosexuality is still illegal in some Gulf countries, and is punishable by the death penalty in Qatar and Saudi Arabia. “Eternals” isn’t the first film to be banned for LGBTQ+ content: after the release of Pixar’s “Onward” in 2020, cinemas in Gulf countries banned it due to one line referencing a lesbian relationship.

“Eternals” is now in theaters.

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Diagnoses are “helpful, but unnecessary”: Why we may be thinking about mental health all wrong

It is no secret that our healthcare system is not fair in how it diagnoses and treats patients of different populations. Yet reading abstract statistics about how identity markers affects one’s likelihood of receiving an ADHD or schizophrenia diagnosis is very different than actually witnessing how such diagnostic biases affect real communities. 

In “(Mis)Diagnosed: How Bias Distorts Our Perception of Mental Health,” Chicago therapist, author and university lecturer Jonathan Foiles offers an insider’s view of how a clunky reverence for the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) and the imperfect, often incurious system often pathologizes the behaviors of certain groups over others. It is a tale of, as he puts it, “those who are least served by late capitalism.”

Salon spoke to Foiles recently about what the mental health system still gets wrong, and why, in spite of everything, he has hope. This conversation has been lightly edited and condensed for clarity.

There has been a lot of conversation over the past few years about inequity in mental health care. What made you made you feel like you had something different to bring to that conversation?

It all begins with my work as a clinician. I’ve been in private practice for about the past two years and prior to that, I worked in community mental health on the west side of Chicago for five years.

Throughout my career, I’ve worked with like a wide variety of patients. In particular my experiences on the west side give me a firsthand example and a lot of the inequities that are not just a side effect of the system, they’re kind of baked into it. I try to consider things from different angles, to weave together these narratives. It comes from the clinic, which I think is my primary motivation.


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There’s a phrase you use — that diagnoses are “helpful, but by no means necessary.” What does that mean?

Diagnosis can be a helpful way to gather up a cluster of experiences. You can even call them symptoms and assure someone that there’s like a pattern to their suffering. You know that there’s a community of fellow travelers there. That’s how it works in theory, at least. From the clinical side of things, diagnosis is really just shorthand that lets professionals communicate with one another. In the American context with insurance companies, you could say this person is feeling sad, not eating well, not sleeping well, not interested in activities, and that sort of thing. Or you could just say they’re depressed.

The two are functionally equivalent. One is just a convenient shorthand. What happens is a label like “depressed” comes to take on a lot of other meanings. I feel like we have come a decent amount of way in this country with stigma, but not with depression and anxiety, not with every diagnosis. I talk about in the opening of the book, a patient I used to see who was diagnosed with schizophrenia. When he heard that, that was just a word to him. But being a good millennial/Gen Z type, he went to look it up on the internet, what he found really terrified him. That’s not anything inherent to the word schizophrenia, but as Susan Sontag and others point out, all diagnoses function within our society as particular metaphors for human experience, ways of understanding ourselves and other people that can be either reassuring or detrimental.

You often need that diagnosis to get services, to get treatment, to get medication. Then the sticky part of it is then, what does that diagnosis mean? It can be both a relief and a terror at this time, especially with mental health.

I think that too is a way in which we have a lot of inequities within the system. When I worked in community mental health I primarily saw patients with Medicaid and Medicaid based insurances. For them to start services, I would have to do a hundred plus questionnaire asking about their everything from their trauma history to how well they slept to their sexual practices and their physical health, all to arrive at like this diagnosis. It was pretty sticky, it would follow them around everywhere within the hospital system where I worked.

RELATED: More than a year into the pandemic, our kids are not alright

Now in private practice, it matters a lot less when I meet a new client. At the end it might be like, oh, it sounds like you have depression or anxiety, and I’ll attach a little code to their billing for it. But that’s kind of where the diagnosis ends, at least as far as my work is concerned.

Let’s talk about what those diagnoses mean to different populations. I didn’t know about schizophrenia and the way black men are so disproportionately diagnosed. Who is making these diagnoses and why do we pathologize certain populations?

This is just how bias works. I talk in the book about how the definition of schizophrenia was changed in 1968. In 1968, with all of its attendant uprisings and struggles, the diagnosis of schizophrenia was changed to include aggressive behavior. You see almost instantly this upswell of articles and professional journals and advertisements to prescribing psychiatrist and the population in institutions at the time just shifts overnight to include black men labeled with disorders along the schizophrenia spectrum.

I didn’t know all of that history when I first started this work, but I saw it play out within the communal health clinic where I worked. It seemed even to me at the time, just on my own anecdotal data, that a lot of the black men that I saw, end up with these very comparatively heavy diagnoses. Other folks and other populations might get something that is still severe, like major depression with psychosis or whatever, but it doesn’t carry as much stigma.

I don’t think that the psychiatrist who diagnosed these people that I was treating had in mind this stereotype of the black radical or whatever as we saw in a lot of articles in late sixties and early seventies. They were probably taught by the people who grew up those articles and they probably practiced in settings and were trained in settings that reinforced that. It’s not just in mental health. There’s a lot of continuing lingering myths about black people experiencing pain less than white folks, for instance, or the maternal death rate of black and Latinx pregnant people. It’s not just mental health, but I think in mental health, it has a different register because you’re basically saying that someone’s protests against injustice aren’t just worthy of being ignored, they’re a sign of an underlying pathology.

This also plays out very much in the ways that we diagnose our kids. As you point out, white kids are so much more likely to be diagnosed with ADHD, whereas black kids it’s more ODD, oppositional defiant disorder. What then happens to kids when they get a particular diagnosis or labeled very young? How does that then play out potentially?

This goes all the way to the school to prison pipeline. I don’t think it starts out like that. My wife is a public school teacher here in Chicago and she’s great at her job. Part of every year when they transition students is talking about, “This student might need a little bit more attention in this way and the student might need this.” For her, that’s just helps her know where to focus her attention.

But for other teachers that’s a way that you can begin these labels that can follow a kid kind of throughout the years, like, “Oh, this kid has ODD.” And with a label like that, if you say someone’s oppositional, it automatically colors how they’re treated within the entire school system.

It’s one of those things too, where even if the kids seems like they’re behaving well, you can almost prove it’s still, like, “Is he being manipulative?” Are those kids keep being treated differently? Then eventually, they become the sort of people who end up incarcerated in a country like ours that loves to hurt people, especially black people.

We as humans confirm the information we already are given. If I go into a classroom and I know one kid has “a learning issue” and needs extra attention, I’m going to look for and experience that child’s behavior differently than I will from a kid who has “ODD.” When that kid asks a question in a particular way, I’m going to respond kid differently.

All of this goes into the inequities that we’ve baked into the system. When you’re in an urban public school setting where you might have 25, 30 to 35 kids in a classroom, you don’t have enough resources to teach all of them as you would want to teach them. I you throw a label on a kid like ODD, if your resources are limited anyway, that of course impacts how you treat that kid and how you perceive that.

You talk in the book about how we’ve evolved in how we look about gender identity, yet “transvestism” is still in the DSM. The way that you actually articulate gender expression in the world might still be pathologized. Tell me about that.

Our understanding has grown by leaps and bound. The DSM-5 is at this point about eight years old, which in the grand scheme of things may not seem that long, but I do think society has advanced a lot since then. Psychiatry, psychology has long been very conservative. Famously, homosexuality gets removed from the DSM, but for a while lingers on this concept of ego-dystonic homosexuality — you may feel like you’re gay and not want to be gay which of course, in a homophobic society, impacts a lot of people. And that stays in the DSM for much longer.

The people who worked on the gender identity stuff within the DSM themselves have expressed very conservative, I would say, even transphobic views on human sexuality and gender. There are certainly trans writers, Julia Serano in particular comes to mind, who’ve done a lot of good work around this. You think that this purports to be some sort of objective science, but I think the history of psychiatry and psychology proves that there is no such thing as objectivity when it comes to deciding what’s mentally healthy and mentally not.

As you point out, this is also an issue for the BDSM community. Who defines at what point something moves from being a kink to being a fetish, to being an illness?

A lot of that is in the eye of the beholder. That’s why therapists could advertise as “kink aware,” “poly aware” or something along those lines. It comes from those communities being treated by providers who impose their own systems of values, and you can end up with some sort of pejorative diagnosis. That to me is just not in the interest of serving the client and not really what I think of therapy as.

You talk about this is in terms of trauma and PTSD as being viewed an event or a period, as opposed to looking at it as a chronic condition. Tell me a little bit about how that’s changing and what we get wrong about trauma.

There have been pushes in the last two revisions to the DSM to get something like complex trauma diagnosis in there. They haven’t worked and they haven’t proceeded nearly as far as I think we should, but there is some movement on that. I think the diagnosis of PTSD is really good at capturing someone who has a pretty stable sense of life of normalcy, and has that shattered by a horrific event. But it’s not so good whenever you’re like marinating in it.

In the neighborhood where I live at here in Chicago, there was a random carjacking that happened a few weeks ago and an older man was shot and died. That still sticks with me because it’s a pretty quiet kind of sleepy community and that doesn’t happen very often here. But when I worked in community mental health, especially, I would work with clients who would fall asleep to the sound of gunshots and who couldn’t even remember how many people they had seen murdered. Whenever you live in that sort of reality, you never really get to establish a sense of safety or a sense of inner calm. You don’t have your sense of the world shattered in the same way because that didn’t exist in the first place. I think we need a more robust sense of trauma that occurs throughout one’s development to account for the really deleterious effects it can have upon one’s physical and mental health.

There are spectrums that particularly in our American culture we tend to fall in, whether it is physical or mental health and mental illness. Either it’s something that I have to live with forever and this is my identity now; or, “I’m cured.” Particularly with depression or anxiety, you may flow in and out very often throughout the course of your life. How do we change our understanding of this fluid relationship that we’re going to have with our brains, with our biochemistry and with our circumstances?

Part of it is in some ways expanding our sense of what’s normal or what’s expected. One thing that I’ve encountered, particularly with patients who experienced chronic depression is you can develop the mistaken assumption that everybody else is happy all the time.

It’s normal in life to have peaks and valleys, and I think some of the language we’ve developed around self-actualization is helpful in many regards. It corrects a lot of previous imbalances, but also can give someone an overly sunny view of what life should be like. Freud famously said that the goal of psychoanalysis is to move someone from like neurotic misery to normal unhappiness.

Of course, most patients don’t want to hear that. I want to help people the best I can. But, I think we need to expand our views of what’s normal and what’s not. I know when the DSM-5 came out, there was a lot of chatter like, “Oh, do we all have the mental illness now?” I mean, maybe, but I don’t think that it only is a bad thing, if we construe it to be a bad thing. We certainly all pretty much get cold, and we don’t do as any sort of moral judgment upon the person. I think just making space for people to realize tha normalcy is an illusion and that within that, you can own your experience, but also work to make it better.

What is your hope for how we move forward with a more encompassing understanding of mental health and mental illness in a way that really serves the most vulnerable populations who have been the most marginalized and most harmed by the mental health industry?

I think we are in some ways headed in the right direction. I’m the same neighborhood as the University of Chicago, and so I get to see a lot of students from there. I’m really impressed by the ways in which they juggle all of these things. I think that the younger generation has a good sense of, “I have anxiety, I have depression. That’s part of me, part of how I make sense of the world.” But it doesn’t define them, and it also doesn’t seem to be something we need to feel like ashamed of. I think should think on a broader society level, that’s great.

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Law group calls on Merrick Garland’s removal from DOJ for failure to hold Trump accountable

A nonpartisan nonprofit is calling on Attorney General Merrick Garland to resign over his apparent failure to “hold accountable former president Donald Trump and his co-conspirators for attempting to overthrow the government,” suggesting that the Biden appointee is “the wrong person for this job at this time.”

The group, Free Speech For People (FSFP) – started back in 2010 to combat the rise of “corporate personhood” in politics – outlined in a Thursday statement a smattering of ways in which the attorney general has allegedly abdicated his duties.

Back in January, the group urged Garland in an op-ed to assemble a specialized task force to independently investigate Trump’s role in inciting the Capitol riot, for which he was later impeached. But Garland, they said, never took heed of their advice. 

“If Garland had created a framework for credible, impartial criminal investigations of a former president of the United States, DOJ would have affirmed that no one—not even a former president—is above the law,” the group wrote. “Yet while DOJ has charged the low-level insurrectionists who broke into the Capitol, it has not moved against the highly-placed leaders of the insurrection, including Trump himself.”

Much of Trump’s criminal improprieties took place in the leadup to the Capitol riot, when the former president stoked baseless outrage over a presidential election “stolen” by President Biden, the group added. 

Back in January, roughly two months after his election loss, Trump made a private call to Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensberger asking the state official to effectively “find 11,780” votes in his favor. Furthermore, Trump and his allies put together an official plan – now known as the Eastman memo – outlining a step-by-step process by which they would illegally overturn the election by having former Vice President Mike Pence replace state electors with officials sympathetic to Trump’s conspiracies of voter fraud.


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RELATED: Audio: Trump pressures Georgia’s secretary of state to “find 11,780 votes”

“Their actions, no less than those of the individual rioters, may constitute conspiracy to impede or disrupt the orderly conduct of government business, insurrection, seditious conspiracy, and advocating the overthrow of the government,” FSFP argued. 

Late late month, Rolling Stone reported that several members of congress – including Reps. Paul Gosar, R-Ariz., Lauren Boebert, R-Colo., and Madison Cawthorn, R-N.C. – actively conspired with multiple organizers of the Capitol riot, convening meetings with the organizers during the leadup to the insurrection. Despite sitting on clear evidence of criminality, Garland has so far “failed to investigate” any of these lawmakers, FSFP said.

RELATED: GOP congressman says he would be “proud” to learn his staff helped plan “Stop the Steal” rally

“For all these reasons, Garland is no longer fit to serve as Attorney General,” the group wrote. “But as long as Trump and his co-conspirators walk free, American democracy is in danger. We need an Attorney General who understands that danger and is willing to take action to protect democracy and the rule of law.”

Democrats can win the culture wars — but they have to take on the fight early and often

Tuesday’s election, which was shockingly bad for Democrats even in an off-year, was a pandemic election. Sure, at first glance, it may not seem that way. CNN exit polling shows that “coronavirus” ranked third after “economy/jobs” and “education” as issues voters cared most about in the Virginia gubernatorial election. But that’s likely because of partisanship — Republicans don’t like admitting the virus is real, Democrats don’t like admitting things aren’t going great right now — than anything else. As others have persuasively argued, “economy” and “schools” are proxy issues for the pandemic. 

That’s why it’s so frustrating that President Joe Biden dragged his heels for months on vaccine mandates. Way back in March, careful observers of the right wing media — including myself — were sounding the alarm about the Fox News/GOP plan to sabotage Biden’s pandemic response by convincing their followers not to vaccinate. But rather than respond aggressively with vaccine mandates, the Biden administration told themselves that “persuasion” was the best way forward. It was obvious they were afraid of poking the culture war bear and didn’t want to give Republicans an issue to tantrum over.

Once the Biden camp realized — as they had been warned, repeatedly, for months — that “persuading” people who hate them to vaccinate was never going to happen, it was too late. Biden announced the work requirements in September, and even then, he was too timid to impose the necessary vaccine mandates on travel. The actual deadline for the requirements wasn’t announced until after the election, and it’s ridiculously far out — January 4, after the coronavirus will get to feast on Trumpers spreading it over the holidays. The backlash wasn’t avoided, as Fox News doesn’t need actual mandates to exist to be yelling about mandates. The voters Democrats needed to win, however, were demoralized and beaten down by the pandemic and its impacts, Unsurprisingly, they weren’t motivated to turn out at the polls in the numbers needed to defeat Republicans


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There’s a lesson here, for those who want to learn it: Trying to tiptoe around the culture war dragon is never going to work. Dragons must be defeated in their caves, before they get out and start to fly. If Biden had just taken the fight to the right last spring, by announcing mandates and letting them cry it out back then, the issue would be over by now. More importantly, there’s a strong chance that the pandemic would be largely defeated, giving Democrats a victory to champion in campaigns, rather than what they had, which was a whole lot of nothing

RELATED: How Democrats can win the critical race theory war: Call out the Christian right behind the movement

I’m hardly the first person to point out that the Democratic belief that culture wars can be ignored until they go away is pure wishful thinking. Brian Beutler of Crooked Media has been beating this drum for awhile now, repeatedly declaring, “Don’t hide from the culture wars, win them.” As he argued in March, “the GOP has recognized something Democrats struggle to grasp: That politics is a multifront war where cultural propaganda and tribal loyalty matter at least as much as policy ideas.” Democrats who try to ignore right wing culture war provocations in hopes of rising above end up embodying that famous cartoon of a dog in a burning building whispering “this is fine” to himself. Ed Kilgore of New York magazine also issued this warning to Democrats almost four months before the election: “Democrats do not have the power to keep ‘ideological polarization’ from happening on cultural issues,” for the very simple reason that “Republicans are going to talk about them incessantly.” He goes on to explain that when “Democrats fall silent, Republicans will be free to define Democrats as they wish.”

We see how this played out clearly in Virginia. Republicans were telegraphing this “critical race theory” gambit way back in 2020, as the performative school board tantrums started last spring. As many people pointed out, actual critical race theory is not taught in schools. It’s clearly code for an effort to censor books and bully educators from teaching historical truths about slavery and Jim Crow — or to teach “both sides” of the Holocaust. Democratic candidate Terry McAuliffe had all year to define Youngkin as a book-burner. But he didn’t prep anti-censorship talking points and instead fumbled the issue with his “I don’t think parents should be telling schools what they should teach” gaffe. 

It was only after that misstep that the campaign appeared to realize, oh yeah, book banners aren’t popular and we should do more to reframe this fight over books as a matter of censorship, not “parent’s rights.” In late October, with only a couple of weeks to go ahead of the election, the McAuliffe campaign started handing out copies of Toni Morrison’s “Beloved,” which was a book that Youngkin’s supporters were targeting for censorship. It was a smart move, but it was way too late. Youngkin had already defined the issue on “parent’s rights” terms and not as a censorship issue. Republicans had already successfully attached it to a lot of unrelated parental frustrations with school closures and other such concerns. 

RELATED: CNN’s milk report: Why right-wing misinformation will always get amplified by the mainstream media

The temptation to ignore culture war issues is understandable. Republicans float this nonsense in order to distract from their wildly unpopular policy ideas, especially on economic issues. So it makes a certain amount of logical sense to try to change the subject back to stuff that Democrats want to talk about, and dismiss GOP culture war nonsense as antics. In some cases, that’s even the right call! “Let’s go Brandon” is a dumb troll that will die swiftly if there’s a collective agreement among liberals to not care about it. But, as a general rule, the smarter move is to anticipate this stuff — which isn’t hard, since Fox News and right-wing talk radio is forever beta-testing culture war provocations — and get ahead of it. 


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The reason ignoring this stuff, even when it’s obvious noise and theatrics, doesn’t work is that it’s often touching on real issues. “Critical race theory in public schools” is made-up nonsense and the people tantruming at school boards are embarrassing fools. Still, it worked both by stirring up the racism of the Trump base, as well as feeding the overall sense of discontent other voters feel about the state of education. The vaccine resistance movement feels irrational to liberals — who would reject a lifesaving vaccine? — but for conservatives, it’s an opportunity to showcase how serious they are about rejecting the legitimacy of a Democratic president. As with the insurrectionists who stormed the Capitol, this behavior has to be understood not as “stupid,” but as evidence that right wing anger and entitlement has been dialed up to the point where they’ll put their own lives on the line to win.

These issues, like the state of democracy and white supremacy, are real issues, not “distractions,” even if the GOP strategy in pushing their agenda is to act like a bunch of yokels. Indeed, Republicans put on the jackass act precisely because they know it will cause that “these people aren’t serious” reaction among Democrats. It allows Republicans to tickle the public’s worst impulses without getting swift blowback from Democrats. 

Fighting back on the culture war isn’t in opposition to standing up for good policy. Talented politicians like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachussetts demonstrate how to link progressive ideas about race and gender to progressive policy items like better health care and affordable child care. Instead of ignoring culture war issues, Democrats need to reframe them on their terms. It won’t always be easy — the policing discourse is a legitimate tangle of competing concerns — but on the whole, it’s important to put up the fight. Because the only other alternative is laying down and letting right wing culture warriors walk all over Democrats. 

Tulsi Gabbard, former Democratic presidential candidate, celebrates GOP “victory” in Virginia

Former Rep. Tulsi Gabbard, D-Hawaii, said that Democrat Terry McAulliffe’s loss in the Virginia gubernatorial election “is a victory for all Americans,” suggesting on Wednesday that McAulliffe was attempting to “divide us by race.”

“McAuliffe’s loss is a victory for all Americans. Why? Because it was a resounding rejection of efforts to divide us by race, the stripping of parental rights, and arrogant, deaf leaders. This benefits us all,” she tweeted without further explanation. 

https://twitter.com/TulsiGabbard/status/1456025843281633283?s=20

On Wednesday, Republican challenger Glenn Youngkin, a Donald Trump supporter, defeated McAulliffe, the former governor of Virginia, in the state’s gubernatorial election, widely seen as a bellwether for the national electorate. Experts have predicted that Youngkin’s victory, boasting a 2.5% margin, portends poorly for Democrats in 2022 and 2024, though the result is not entirely dispositive. 

RELATED: Republicans take Virginia governorship in first major election of the Biden presidency

 

During the campaign trail, Youngkin aggressively campaigned against the use of “critical race theory in classrooms,” which many Republicans saw as a bid by the radical left to indoctrinate school children. Youngkin, for his part, has vowed to end the use of “critical race theory” altogether. 

“What we won’t do is teach our children to view everything through the lens of race,” the Republican said at a campaign event last month. “On day one, I will ban critical race theory.”

RELATED: Don’t be fooled by parents’ “critical race theory” tantrums — they’re a part of the GOP’s strategy

 

Youngkin specifically put emphasis on the need for parents to have a bigger say in what their children are taught. In response, McAuliffe in September said that parents should not “be telling schools what they should teach” – a comment many saw as a political gaffe. 

Gabbard’s remarks came as a surprise to some because she repeatedly casted herself as a progressive during the 2020 presidential election. In the past, she’s supported a two-tier version of universal healthcare as well as universal basic income. Gabbard has also backed expanded medical and parental leave, and campaigned for drastic reductions in the U.S. military budget. 

However, as of late, Gabbard has taken to calling out the Democratic Party and President Biden for their apparent “authoritarianism,” particularly when it comes to culture war issues. 


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Late last month, Gabbard appeared on Fox News to rail against a memo sent by Attorney General Merrick Garland warning of “domestic terrorism” at school board meetings, where parents have protested the enforcement of mask and vaccine mandates as well as the use of critical race theory and LGBTQ+ cirriculum in classrooms. 

“Concerned parents are the latest targets of the establishment. This is a bigger problem than Dems or Republicans,” Gabbard tweeted. “This is about the [mainstream media] & political elite trying to hold on to their power. If you’re not with them, they will censor you, demonize you & call you a domestic terrorist.”

In August, Gabbard announced that she’d be launching a new channel on Rumble, a Canadian online video platform seen by some as a less censorious antidote to corporate media sites like YouTube.

CNN’s milk report: Why right-wing misinformation will always get amplified by the mainstream media

12 gallons of milk was my last straw. CNN’s widely mocked report may have broken me. It seemed like only minutes after the clip on a Texas family struggling with that impact of inflation went viral, it was blasted out by the House Republicans on Twitter:

The report suggests a 40% rise in milk prices over (presumably) the past year.  Not only is that not true, but prices are down, in nominal terms from a high in 2007. To be fair, it’s pretty clear some prices are going up. But so are wages. Overall household debts have fallen, as well. So I don’t mock the family or their milk consumption. I mock CNN for holding up these outliers of cartoonish proportions as a typical, representative middle-class family. And I resent how infrequently they report on actually food-insecure families. CNN could have interviewed people going in and out of a Kroger about how they feel about the stimulus checks as they get their groceries. The could have stopped to talk to a clerk or bagger at the store. Instead, they pre-manufactured a shopping trip using a family whose situation wasn’t at all representative. 

CNN left out this critical information on the impact of the child tax credit and said nothing about progressive Democrats’ fight to extend such benefits to help families. This is how the narratives that demand bad policies take hold — at the “raving lefty propaganda machines” the Republicans love to complain about.

In Virginia, for instance, days before Republican Glenn Youngkin won the governorship with a closing message to ban the teaching of critical race theory in public schools, The New York Times credulously profiled a supposed “Hillary-Biden voter” who planned to support the GOP. It turns out the guy is a frequent donor to the Republican Party who has authored several articles for his local chapter.

The media’s ongoing credulity is why a right-wing operative was able to weaponize bad faith and ignorance into a nonsensical bogeyman.

RELATED: Meet Christopher Rufo — leader of the incoherent right-wing attack on “critical race theory”

The outrage that propelled Youngkin to victory was based on a lie. While the Republican promised to dictate what is and isn’t taught in Virginia schools, Youngkin didn’t win because he ran on banning Toni Morrison. Rather, the biggest story that motivated Republican voters in Virginia involved a sexual assault that was first reported, and distorted, by Ben Shapiro’s Daily Wire in a right-wing attack on gender-neutral bathrooms. The basic premise was later proved to be a lie, but by then everyone from Loudoun County to Los Angeles had seen the story as part of the right’s push to create a trans panic.

RELATED: The right’s latest anti-trans hysteria just blew up

It’s hard for the mainstream media to admit Republicans are almost always lying, from the leader of the party to the man on the street. That’s fine. But the GOP hasn’t done a substantively good thing in 30 years. The press could at least reflect on why they are still salient in spite of that. Virginia Republicans rigged their primary, forcing the leading Trump-style contender to drop out. When pundits fail to mention the likelihood that, given the choice, Republican primary voters would have chosen the more overtly Trumpian candidate, undoubtedly leading to general election defeat, they allow Republicans to hide the GOP’s growing anti-democratic streak.

The pandemic proved that the GOP is as close to a death cult as a major political party can get. Republicans are now fighting to pretend slavery had no long-lasting effects while simultaneously suppressing Black voters and fighting against the Justice in Policing act. Republicans are trying to gerrymander Ohio, where Trump got 53% of the vote, to hold 86% of the seats in the legislature. In Wisconsin, where Trump only got 49% of the vote, they are attempting to take 75% of the seats, and up to 78% of the seats in North Carolina, a state Trump won by less than 50% of the vote. In response, Democrats plan to carve out one more district to which they are proportionally entitled in Illinois. It’s hardball now, baby!

Meanwhile, moderates are busy pointing fingers at the Democratic base.

“We don’t have the numbers that FDR had or that Lyndon Baines Johnson had in order to get some major, major legislation done,” West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin said on Thursday, echoing sentiments shared by conservative Democratic Rep. Abigail Spanberger of Virginia, who blasted Biden after Democrats lost the governorship: “Nobody elected him to be F.D.R.” Curiously absent from their post-election comments was any mention on how centrists pushing President Joe Biden’s agenda to the right in an ugly sausage-making battle is probably bad politics. (Watching Manchin drive his Maserati truck into a crowd of protesters demanding his support for four weeks of paid leave is certainly a sight to behold.)

One reason voters could be skeptical about Biden’s Build Back Better bill while supporting specific policies contained in the package could be because moderate Democrats themselves publicly attack them while offering no compelling alternatives. Sure, there is political polarization at play, and the fact that asking people to pay for social spending usually results in some backlash, but a very undercounted factor is that so many people are in support of those programs and also think that certain people don’t deserve them. Oftentimes that distinction is drawn on racial lines.

Democrats sent everyone checks this year, distributed miracle vaccines quickly to all who want them, and, in Virginia in particular, passed and signed into law legislation making Virginia the first southern state to legalize marijuana. Policy barely matters in elections. Everybody wants these things until Election Day, at which point many people decide that these things are evil communism from hell. Propaganda is tough to fight with nuance and facts, especially when it is legitimized by the mainstream media.

Despite the exhaustive reports on the complete radicalization of the Republican Party, often by their own reporters, the editorial pages at the nation’s leading newspapers too often proclaim the real problem plaguing this country is what goes on at some college lecture or tech seminar, not the movement to supplant election officials across the country with loyalists to Donald Trump or ban books that dare to teach about the experiences of Black children. So the fact that the press is giddy to spread bad news about Democrats is no surprise. It remains no less infuriating, though, that the press remains generally uninterested in why exactly corporate Democrats who take in big bucks from industry would work so hard to quash legislation championed by their party’s leader — legislation meant to make the cost of living (not just milk!) more affordable for more people. 

The only path Democrats have for a counternarrative is to fully embrace class warfare and explicitly call out the messaging and narrative of racism at the root of the GOP–corporate media coalition. Instead of giving up on identity politics, they need to craft a winning identity: Be pro-worker. Fight for justice. Hold Trump accountable.

Limits to growth: Can AI’s voracious appetite for data be tamed?

In the spring of 2019, artificial intelligence datasets started disappearing from the internet. Such collections — typically gigabytes of images, video, audio, or text data – are the foundation for the increasingly ubiquitous and profitable form of AI known as machine learning, which can mimic various kinds of human judgments such as facial recognition.

In April, it was Microsoft’s MS-Celeb-1M, consisting of 10 million images of 100,000 people’s faces — many of them celebrities, as the name suggests, but also many who were not public figures — harvested from internet sites. In June, Duke University researchers withdrew their multi-target, multi-camera dataset (DukeMTMC), which consisted of images taken from videos, mostly of students, recorded at a busy campus intersection over 14 hours on a day in 2014. Around the same time, people reported that they could no longer access Diversity in Faces, a dataset of more than a million facial images collected from the internet, released at the beginning of 2019 by a team of IBM researchers.

All together, about a dozen AI datasets vanished — hastily scrubbed by their creators after researchers, activists, and journalists exposed an array of problems with the data and the ways it was used, from privacy, to race and gender bias, to issues with human rights.

The problems originate in the mundane practices of computer coding. Machine learning reveals patterns in data — such algorithms learn, for example, how to identify common features of “cupness” from processing many, many pictures of cups. The approach is increasingly used by businesses and government agencies; in addition to facial recognition systems, it’s behind Facebook’s news feed and targeting of advertisements, digital assistants such as Siri and Alexa, guidance systems for autonomous vehicles, some medical diagnoses, and more.

To learn, algorithms need massive datasets. But as the applications grow more varied and complex, the rising demand for data is exacting growing social costs. Some of those problems are well known, such as the demographic skew in many facial recognition datasets toward White, male subjects — a bias passed on to the algorithms.

But there is a broader data crisis in machine learning. As machine learning datasets expand, they increasingly infringe on privacy by using images, text, or other material scraped without user consent; recycle toxic content; and are the source of other, more unpredictable biases and misjudgments.

“You’ve created this system in industry that rewards shady practices, rewards people stealing data from the internet or scraping it from social networks and creating products with no standard of how well they work,” said Liz O’Sullivan, chief executive of Parity, a startup that provides companies with tools to build responsible AI systems.

Pushed by outside groups calling for more ethical data collection and by negative media attention, the industry has only recently begun to examine these problems — sometimes by pulling datasets offline. But many other large public datasets remain online, and, in general, a bigger-is-better imperative remains.

“There’s this race to have bigger datasets with more and more parameters,” said Daniel Leufer, a Brussels-based policy analyst at the digital rights organization Access Now. “So there’s this constant one-upmanship. That’s hugely problematic because it encourages the cheapest, laziest possible gathering of data.”

Some computer scientists are asking whether the brute force approach of compiling ever-larger datasets is necessary to sustain machine learning, and if the expansion can continue indefinitely. And they are looking at systemic reforms in data collection, combined with alternative techniques that use less data, to offer a potential exit ramp.

While machine learning dates back to the 1940s, it only really took off in the past decade. In 2012, a team of University of Toronto researchers trounced all comers in an object recognition contest based on the AI dataset ImageNet, which had been created by Princeton researchers just a few years before. Using a souped-up version of machine learning called deep learning, the team achieved an 85 percent accuracy rate, 10 percentage points higher than the previous year’s top team. By 2015 that figure topped 95 percent — surpassing that of humans, at least in laboratory settings — and people soon found myriad applications for the new approach.

To achieve better and better results, deep learning algorithms needed bigger and bigger datasets — the bigger, the better. Computer scientists found that in many cases deep learning scaled: The more data they used, the more accurate it got.

This created a supply problem. These algorithms required not only data in quantity, but quality. For object recognition, this meant photos with target items outlined and labeled, usually by a person (for instance, labeling a “cup”), and for language, sources of reasonably well-written text. Assembling quality data on large scales is costly and hard (less so, however, for giant technology companies with access to vast troves of customer information). Creating large datasets soon became AI’s version of sausage-making: tedious and difficult, with a high risk of using bad ingredients.

“The way in which datasets are selected for machine learning development right now is not a very mature process,” said Inioluwa Deborah Raji, a Mozilla Fellow who has studied the evolution of machine learning and datasets. “Among those who train and develop machine learning models, there’s often not a conscious awareness of the importance of their role as decision-makers in that process — and especially the selection of the datasets and the way in which their dataset represents, or does not represent, a specific population.”

ImageNet, the first public large-scale AI image dataset, is a case in point. A wildly ambitious attempt to map the world of everyday objects and people, the dataset would eventually include more than 14 million photos collected online and labeled through the cheap crowdsourcing service Amazon Mechanical Turk. For structure, the creators employed another dataset, WordNet, which mapped the English language in a tree-like form.

In 2018, AI researcher Kate Crawford, then with the AI Now Institute at New York University, and the visual artist Trevor Paglen published a report on ImageNet’s data. The authors concluded that the resulting picture was distorted. For instance, WordNet contained a number of slurs and offensive terms, since it is simply a record of the English language, and some of the labelers applied those terms to specific images of people, creating a collection of thousands of derogatory insults in picture form.

Crawford and Paglen wrote that the dataset had “many racist slurs and misogynistic terms” and as they went deeper, the classifications took “a sharp and dark turn,” the authors noted: “There are categories for Bad Person, Call Girl, Drug Addict, Closet Queen, Convict, Crazy, Failure, Flop, Fucker, Hypocrite, Jezebel, Kleptomaniac, Loser, Melancholic, Nonperson, Pervert, Prima Donna, Schizophrenic, Second-Rater, Spinster, Streetwalker, Stud, Tosser, Unskilled Person, Wanton, Waverer, and Wimp.”

This problem wasn’t limited to ImageNet. Many datasets created before and since use WordNet as a structural template. For instance, in a paper published earlier this year researchers Vinay Prabhu, chief scientist at the biometrics company UnifyID, and Abeba Birhane, a doctoral candidate in cognitive and computer science at University College Dublin, examined two other large image dataset — Tiny Images, which includes 80 million images, and Tencent ML-images, which includes 18 million — that also used the WordNet template, and found similar sets of offensive labels applied to people.

Such flaws suggest deeper problems with machine learning, as it is deployed for increasingly complex real-world applications, said Crawford, now a professor at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School and the inaugural chair of AI and Justice at the École Normale Supérieure in Paris. “It really goes to the core of what supervised machine learning thinks it’s doing when it takes vast amounts of data — say, for example, discrete images — and then uses it to build a worldview as though that is a straightforward, uncomplicated and somehow objective task,” she said. “It is none of these things. It is intensely complicated and highly political.”

While vacuuming up public data may once have seemed like a harmless practice to AI researchers, it has had many real-world consequences. For image datasets, invasion of privacy may be the most serious. The public Google AI training dataset Open Images, which is currently still online, is made up of nine million photos with 600 labeled categories. Recent patent applications show it has been used been used for a variety of purposes — for example, by the Chinese police in creating a distracted driving recognition application; by the Royal Bank of Canada to address issues of training algorithms with partial or incomplete labels; and by Chinese technology company Huawei in automating image processing tasks.

Like many other datasets, Open Images harvested photos from public Flickr accounts, pulling in personal photos of children playing on beaches, women in bikinis, and people drinking. One of the photos, a horizontal close-up of a baby’s face, was posted in the 2000s by Marie, a North Carolina woman. When Undark alerted Marie about the use of the photo in Google’s database, she responded: “Oh, that’s gross. You think you’re not sharing things and then you find out oh, there’s just loophole.” (Marie asked to be identified by her first name only, because she said her privacy was violated and she did not want to expose her identity again.)

Many people like Marie don’t realize that by using Flickr, YouTube, or Facebook and other social media networks, the information is “empowering the neural networks run by those organizations,” said Adam Harvey, founder of Exposing AI, which tracks privacy violations of datasets used in facial recognition and other applications. “These photographs have become an important part of a data supply chain that powers the global biometrics industry.” And while many companies’ terms of service grant permission to use that biometric data (typically separated from personally identifiable information), some aren’t bothering to obtain it. The facial recognition company Clearview AI, for instance, reportedly sells access to a dataset it created by scraping billions of pictures of faces from social networks and other sites, a practice those sites nominally ban.

This practice faces legal restrictions in only in a few places, such as Illinois, where the state’s Biometric Information Privacy Act requires express permission for acquiring personal data. (Earlier this month, the parliament of the European Union called for restricting the use of biometric data, along with facial recognition, among its member states.) And individual organizations typically allow the data collection. For instance, the organization that developed the licensing system used by Flickr, Creative Commons, says the practice does not violate its licenses: “No special or explicit permission is required from the licensor to use CC-licensed content to train AI applications to the extent that copyright permission is required at all.” In an email to Undark, Google spokesperson Jason Freidenfelds cited Creative Commons’ statement in support of projects like Open Images and said: “This is an active topic of discussion across the research community, and we’re attuned to how leading organizations in this area are approaching it. We’re working with a range of external research groups to improve on datasets for [machine learning].”

Still, when the collection of personal images in datasets is publicized — as in the case of IBM’s Diversity in Faces, the subject of an NBC News story — companies and researchers often end up taking the datasets offline to quiet any backlash.

Meanwhile, many datasets have continued to get bigger; since 2014, Google, for instance, has been developing a proprietary image dataset known as JFT-300M that now contains 300 million photos harvested, Google researchers wrote in their paper, from “all over the web.” The team wants to make it even bigger, too. “We should explore if models continue to improve in a meaningful way,” they wrote in a blog post, “in the regime of even larger (1 billion+ image) datasets.”

The trend encourages researchers to cut corners. “If the incentive is to get a big dataset as cheaply as possible, then you don’t have resources being allocated to careful construction and curation of that dataset,” said Emily Bender, a linguistics professor at the University of Washington and an expert on natural language processing, which uses machine learning involving text and speech. As the industry looks for bigger and bigger datasets, she added, it also puts pressure on smaller research groups and companies to try to keep up.

The proliferation of large datasets exposes people to various potential harms. “Reverse image search is growing at a scorching pace,” said UnifyID’s Prabhu. “It is so trivial for someone to write a simple tool to take all of these images, pass them through reverse image search, and figure out who these people are in real life.”

Large datasets may also be making it easier for the algorithms themselves to connect training images to people’s real identities. A 2020 study by researchers at the University of Waterloo in Canada found that ArcFace, an open-source facial recognition application, was modestly better at recognizing people in its training dataset than those who were not. In other words, if a person’s image is in a dataset, they will be more visible to facial recognition systems.

Large text-based datasets also raise personal security concerns. Huge amounts of data scraped from the internet can contain birth dates and Social Security numbers. A 2020 report by researchers with Google, OpenAI, Apple, Stanford, the University of California, Berkeley, and Northeastern University found that certain language-based algorithms can essentially be reverse-engineered to output information from their underlying training data, and that larger models are more susceptible to such attacks compared to smaller ones.

When employees within large companies have pushed back, it has sometimes backfired. In the fall of 2020, researchers at Google and the University of Washington submitted a paper on large language datasets to a computer science conference, which asked: “How big is too big?” Among other things, they noted that collecting training material from internet sites such as Reddit means algorithms end up recycling demographic biases and toxic language that harm disadvantaged groups.

Soon after, Google fired one of paper’s authors, Timnit Gebru, from her job as co-leader of the company’s Ethical AI team, because the paper “painted too bleak a picture of the new technology,” among other things, according to Wired. The other co-leader, Margaret Mitchell, was fired shortly afterward. (Bender from the University of Washington was also a co-author.)

“It seems to me that the big internet companies are very reluctant to even talk about this because it threatens their core business,” said Walter Scheirer, a computer scientist at the University of Notre Dame. “They really are trying to collect as much data from users as possible so they can build products with that as the source material, and if you start limiting that, it really constrains what they can do — or at least what they think they can do.”

Faced with a wave of recent exposures of bias and privacy violations, many technology companies, along with academic researchers, have launched efforts to address specific dataset problems.

In January 2020, for instance, ImageNet administrators published a paper in which they acknowledged the dataset’s label problems. Of its 2,832 “people” categories, 1,593 — 56 percent — “are potentially offensive labels that should not be used in the context of an image recognition dataset,” the authors wrote. Of the remaining categories, only 158 were purely visual, according to the paper, “with the remaining categories simply demonstrating annotators’ bias.” Those were also removed. Ultimately, only 6 percent of ImageNet’s original categories for people remain.

Critics say it’s not enough. “I think we have a much bigger problem in the field,” said Crawford. “You’ll see that this is a very common response in the tech sector generally. When researchers spend a lot of time showing them why a system has very deep problems on the conceptual level, their response is just to delete a few of these problematic labels.”

Other researchers are looking for ways to build better labels from the beginning. The Data Nutrition Project, for instance, creates labels for datasets documenting where they came from and how they were assembled. The transparency can encourage better practices, said Kasia Chmielinski, a project co-founder and a digital expert with McKinsey and Company. The project name was inspired by nutrition labels. “I can see what’s inside this can of Coke before I drink it, and can tell whether it’s healthy for me,” Chmielinski said. “Why can’t we do the same with a dataset before we build a model with it?” So far, the project has created labels for datasets of payments to doctors from drugmakers and medical device companies, medical images used to diagnose melanoma, and New York City property tax bills.

Facial recognition companies have also improved performance across demographic groups in tests administered by the National Institute of Standards and Technology (though researchers have found collections of problematic images in NIST’s own facial recognition datasets, including of children exploited for pornography, U.S. visa applicants, and dead people). In 2021, for instance, Google launched Open Images Extended, which uses crowdsourced photos from around the world to improve geographical diversity and blurs faces to protect privacy.

Still other researchers are looking for other ways to train algorithms. A technique called self-supervised learning, for example, trains algorithms with unlabeled datasets. Large technology companies including Google and Facebook are experimenting with this approach. A Facebook model known as SEER (SElf-supERvised), introduced in March 2021, “can learn from any random group of images on the internet — without the need for careful curation and labeling that goes into most computer vision training today,” a company blog post says.

Another method called dataset distillation, meanwhile, is based on the idea that a relatively small dataset with the most effective examples can work just as well as a giant one. In one experiment, researchers at Facebook and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology distilled a dataset of 60,000 images of handwritten numerals down to 10 synthetic images that were created by a computer, and achieved training results nearly as good. Here as well, researchers at a number of large companies including Google and Huawei are exploring the technique. (The use of synthetic data could also address privacy violations — for example, datasets composed of fake but photorealistic faces created by algorithms.)

Other groups are applying small, curated datasets to video and images of people. In April 2021, Facebook released a dataset called Casual Conversations consisting of such data from 3,100 people of diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds, taken with permission. The richness of this kind of data — images from many angles and in varied lighting — obviates the need for a huge number of subjects, said Cristian Cantor Ferrer, the Facebook research manager who oversaw the dataset’s construction. But producing it required more money — subjects were paid — time, and work hours than mass data collection, he noted. Subjects can also opt out at any time, which the team must track.

“There is growing evidence of the fact that you technically do not need that much data, which is kind of a volte face on all of the transgressions that have happened in the past few years,” said Prabhu.

Still, once published, datasets take on a life of their own. In the three years that the DukeMTMC dataset was publicly available, for example, dozens of companies and government agencies cited it in papers on facial recognition projects, including companies supplying technology for Chinese government surveillance of its oppressed Uighur minority. After the dataset’s creators pulled it from the internet, it kept circulating anyway. Since then, studies by Chinese scientists have used it to study the surveillance challenges of tracking people when the field of view is partially blocked and when subjects change clothing. A recent study by researchers at Princeton University found that versions of DukeMTMC and MS Celeb-1M have been used and cited hundreds of times in research since being taken down and remain available on various websites.

As the new versions of the databases circulate, the original ethical violations remain online — and the datasets are often modified and used in ways the creators never contemplated. “The problems arise and they’re all, ‘sorry, we shouldn’t have done that,” Leufer, from the digital rights organization Access Now, said of dataset retractions. “At which point it’s far too late to do anything about it.”


John McQuaid is a journalist and author. He reported this story while a fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. He is currently a Ph.D. student at the University of Maryland Merrill College of Journalism.

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Understaffed state psychiatric facilities leave mental health patients in limbo

Many patients dealing with mental health crises are having to wait several days in an ER until a bed becomes available at one of Georgia’s five state psychiatric hospitals, as public facilities nationwide feel the pinch of the pandemic.

“We’re in crisis mode,” said Dr. John Sy, an emergency medicine physician in Savannah. “Two weeks ago, we were probably holding eight to 10 patients. Some of them had been there for days.”

The shortage of beds in Georgia’s state psychiatric facilities reflects a national trend linked to staffing deficits that are cramping services in the public mental health system. The bed capacity problem, which has existed for years, has worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic, creating backlogs of poor or uninsured patients as well as people in jails who are awaiting placement in state facilities.

Many state workers, such as nurses, are leaving those psychiatric units for much higher pay — with temp agencies or other employers — and less stressful conditions. The departures have limited the capacity of state-run psychiatric units for patients, who often are poor or uninsured, forcing some people with serious mental illness to languish in hospital emergency rooms or jails until beds open up in the state systems, according to local leaders of the National Alliance on Mental Illness.

“Such patients are sometimes strapped down or held in isolation, and often receive little or no mental health services,” said Roland Behm, a board member of the Georgia chapter of the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention.

Nationally, the shortage of beds and mental health workers has collided with an increasing, pandemic-driven demand for mental health treatment.

“ERs have been flooded with patients needing psychiatric care,” said Dr. Robert Trestman, chairperson of the American Psychiatric Association’s Council on Healthcare Systems and Financing. “The current crisis is unprecedented in the extent, severity and sweep of its national impact.”

Virginia has severely curtailed admissions to state mental hospitals because of staffing shortages amid increased demand for services. “I have never seen an entire system bottleneck this bad,” said Kathy Harkey, executive director of the National Alliance on Mental Illness’ Virginia chapter. The strain is spilling over into the private system, she added.

A Texas advisory committee reported in July that a near-record number of people were on the waitlist for state hospital beds for forensic patients, meaning those involved in the court system who have mental illness.

Last month, National Guard soldiers returned to Oregon’s largest public psychiatric facility to shore up the workforce there.

In Maine, a committee of criminal justice and mental health officials has been working on adding state psychiatric beds and finding placements for people who need treatment for mental illness but are being held in jails.

The well-insured normally can choose private facilities or general hospital psychiatric wards, Trestman said. But in many cases, those beds are now filled, too.

Like the medical system overall, the behavioral health system is “under a great deal of strain,” said Dr. Brian Hepburn, head of the National Association of State Mental Health Program Directors. The workforce shortage is especially acute at inpatient or residential behavioral health facilities, he said, and that pressure extends to private providers.

States are now focused on suicide prevention and crisis services to reduce pressure on emergency rooms and inpatient services, Hepburn added.

In Georgia, roughly 100 beds in the state’s five psychiatric hospitals — or about 10% — are empty because there’s no one to take care of the patients who would occupy them. Space in short-term crisis units is also squeezed. The turnover rate for hospital workers was 38% over the past fiscal year, according to the state Department of Behavioral Health and Developmental Disabilities.

Beyond hospitals, Melanie Dallas, CEO of Highland Rivers Health, which delivers behavioral health services in northern Georgia, said the challenge of dealing with higher demand amid such a diminished number of staffers is unprecedented in her 33 years in the field. “Everybody is exhausted.”

Nationally, scores of nurses and other mental health workers have left state jobs.

It’s “hard work and it’s grueling,” said Hannah Longley, community program director of the Maine chapter of the National Alliance on Mental Illness. State work doesn’t offer “a significant salary and benefit package.”

A state hospital nurse in the U.S. typically makes $40 to $48 an hour, while the rate for a temp agency nurse runs $120 to $200, Trestman said.

“A lot of people are chasing the COVID money,” said Netha Carter, a nurse practitioner who works in an Augusta, Georgia, state facility for developmentally disabled people. She said that temp agencies are offering “triple the pay” given by state facilities, though she’s staying put because she likes the kind of work she’s doing.

Kim Jones, executive director of NAMI in Georgia, said she has received more calls about people with mental health needs who can’t get long-term hospital services as the bed backlog increases.

Such waits for care can worsen patients’ conditions. Several years ago, Tommie Thompson’s son Cameron waited 11 months to get a state hospital bed in Atlanta while in jail. “By the time he got to the hospital, he was totally psychotic,” Thompson said.

The backlog in public services is playing out in jails across Georgia, with more people being kept behind bars because mental health facilities are swamped.

The Georgia Sheriffs’ Association said its members have relayed their difficulties in placing people in state-run treatment. “A lot of these folks don’t need to be in jail, but they’re stuck in there,” said Bill Hallsworth, the association’s coordinator of jail and court services. “There’s no place to put them.”

Hospital ERs also are feeling the shortage of state beds, said Anna Adams, a senior vice president of the Georgia Hospital Association. People with mental illness arriving in the ER “tend to be at the end of the line,” said Robin Rau, CEO of Miller County Hospital in rural southwestern Georgia.

Rau said the bed backlog is horrible. “COVID has just exacerbated everything.”

Need Help?

If you or someone you know is in crisis, call the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-8255 or text HOME to the Crisis Text Line at 741741.

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Are Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema abusers or victims? Both at once

As United States senators from West Virginia and Arizona, respectively, Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema are supposed to represent the interests of approximately nine million people.

But because of their self-appointed positions in the Senate as “centrists” — which is to say, “Vichy Democrats” who largely follow the lead of Republican fascists and corporate oligarchs — Manchin and Sinema have become the fulcrum upon which the Democratic Party’s tenuous majority, and its political fortunes, pivots.

In practice, they are using their disproportionate power in an antiquated legislative body to hold hundreds of millions of Americans as political hostages.

Consider this: The policies included in Joe Biden and the Democratic Party’s Build Back Better plan are remarkably popular — certainly among Democrats, but also among Republicans. Economists and other experts have shown that the Build Back Better plan is an investment in America’s prosperity that would pay for itself, and more, in the decades ahead

In a state with disproportionately high rates of poverty, such as West Virginia, the Build Back Better plan could have a dramatic and positive impact. Joe Manchin has apparently concluded that his self-interest in the form of millions in direct profits from the coal industry is more important than the collective needs — and, literally, the lives — of the people of West Virginia.

Likewise, Kyrsten Sinema appears to have concluded that campaign donations and other potential incentives from pharmaceutical companies are more important than supporting the Build Back Better plan, which would make a significant difference in the lives of people in Arizona and across the United States.

RELATED: House progressives push against Manchin

Power corrupts; for those people whose moral character is already weak and wavering, the temptations of power can be too difficult to resist. Ultimately, as the axiom suggests, those who seek out power are often the people least equipped to wield it responsibly.

In an article recently featured at Salon, Thom Hartmann describes Sinema’s and Manchin’s behavior (and that of others of the same kind) as an example of the legal theft and corruption made possible by the Supreme Court’s infamous Citizens United decision:

Sinema quickly joined other Democrats who’d followed the Citizens United path to the flashing neon lights of big money, joining the so-called Problem Solvers caucus that owes its existence in part to the Wall Street-funded front group No Labels.

Quietly and without fanfare, she began voting with Republicans and the corporate- and billionaire-owned Democrats, supporting efforts to deregulate big banks, “reform” Social Security and Medicare, and make it harder for government to protect regular investors — or even buyers of used cars to avoid being ripped off.

Sinema voted with the U.S. Chamber of Commerce 77 percent of the time in her first term [as a House member]; in return, political networks run by right-wing billionaires and the Chamber showered her with support. In her first re-election race, in 2014, she was one of only five Democrats endorsed by the notoriously right-wing Chamber.

She’d proved herself as a “made woman,” just like the old mafiosi … [of] the 1960s, willing to do whatever it takes, compromise whatever principles she espoused, to get into and stay in the good graces of the large and well-funded right-wing syndicates unleashed by Citizens United. 

So it should surprise precisely nobody that Sinema is parroting the Chamber’s and the billionaire network’s line that President Biden’s Build Back Better plan is too generous in helping and protecting average Americans and too punitive in taxing the morbidly rich. After all, once you’re in, you leave at your own considerable peril, even when 70 percent of your state’s voters want the bill to pass.

In a statement released Monday, Rep. Cori Bush of Missouri discussed Manchin’s brinksmanship and political hostage-taking, which is causing grievous harm to some of America’s most vulnerable communities:

Joe Manchin does not get to dictate the future of our country. I do not trust his assessment of what our communities need the most. I trust the parents in my district who can’t get to their shift without childcare. I trust the scientists who have shown us what our future will look like if we fail to meaningfully address the climate crisis. I trust the patients and doctors crying out for comprehensive health coverage for every person in America….

We cannot spend the next year saying, “The House did its part, and now it’s the Senate’s turn.” We need the Senate to actually get this done.

Joe Manchin’s opposition to the Build Back Better Act is anti-Black, anti-child, anti-woman, and anti-immigrant. When we talk about transformative change, we are talking about a bill that will benefit Black, brown, and Indigenous communities.

We cannot leave anyone behind. Sen. Manchin must support the Build Back Better Act.


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Manchin and Sinema, along with the Republican Party, are subjecting the American people to financial abuse. That is not a metaphor but a clinical term. The National Network to End Domestic Violence defines it this way: 

Financial abuse is a common tactic used by abusers to gain power and control in a relationship. … In some cases, financial abuse is present throughout the relationship and in other cases financial abuse becomes present when the survivor is attempting to leave or has left the relationship. Financial abuse, while less commonly understood, is one of the most powerful methods of keeping a survivor trapped in an abusive relationship and deeply diminishes the victim’s ability to stay safe after leaving an abusive partner.

Financial abuse occurs in almost all domestic violence cases. A financial abuser’s attributes include (among other things) manipulative and controlling behavior tied to money; claims to be entitled to the money and financial resources of others; expecting others to pay their bills; threats to deny money to others without warning; a double standard regarding how they spend money, compared to other people; and the use of intimidating, threatening and other abusive behavior to control money.

Sadists need masochists. For the true sadist, it does not matter if the masochists are consenting partners. For decades the Republican Party has demonstrated that it enjoys inflicting pain and suffering on the American people. The rise of Trumpism and the American neofascist movement has given permission for ever more extreme sadism. As Noam Chomsky recently put it in an interview with Jacobin, the Republican Party is effectively a “gang of radical sadists.”

The “moderate” Democrats so devoted to “bipartisanship” have shown themselves to be self-flagellating masochists, partners in an unhealthy relationship where they are repeatedly abused and made to suffer. For whatever personal or political reasons, they keep returning to the Republican sadists with the expectation that things will change, which of course they do not.

The American people are caught between the sadists and masochists, the Republicans and the “centrist” Democrats. Whatever masochistic pleasure Kyrsten Sinema and Joe Manchin may derive from orchestrating this perverse scene, it is the American people who continue to suffer most. 

More on the dynamic duo of “moderates” determined to undermine Joe Biden’s agenda:

Mike Lindell still hopes Supreme Court will hear case this month — and he’s a maybe on martial law

Pillow merchandiser turned 2020 election denier Mike Lindell neither endorsed nor rejected the prospect of a military coup if the Supreme Court refuses to accept his long-awaited case on purported election fraud, which he plans to make public just before Thanksgiving.

Lindell’s still-hypothetical case, assembled by a team of pro-Trump lawyers, will apparently argue that the Chinese government or its agents rigged the outcome of the 2020 presidential election, perhaps through the now-infamous machines made by Dominion Voting Systems. Presumably he will ask the court to overturn or set aside the election results as certified by Congress, something it has no legal or constitutional power to do. 

On Monday night, the pillow king opened up the phone lines during “The Lindell Report,” which streams nightly on Frank: The Voice of Free Speech, a site plagued with continual technical glitches. One caller eagerly asked Lindell if he thought the military might stage a coup if the Supreme Court refused to accept his pre-Thanksgiving offering: “Any chance the military might take over if the Supreme Court doesn’t come through?”  

Lindell didn’t take the bait but didn’t exactly reject it either. “Well, I’m going to tell you right now that Supreme Court on … we’re dropping it on Nov. 23,” he said, before pivoting to a familiar villain: “Our biggest battle is with the media.” 

RELATED: Mike Lindell moves the “reinstatement” goalposts again — now Trump will be back by Thanksgiving

The bedding tycoon warmed slightly to the possibility of military rule as he went on, observing that the United States was in “uncharted territory.” He explained: “We have never had a country attack us without firing a shot. Take our whole country down. This fast!” 

Finally Lindell admitted, “As far as the military, I have no clue,” which seemed some distance short of ruling the idea out completely. Co-host Brannon Howse had prompted callers to ask Lindell questions he could then share with Donald Trump at their supposed upcoming meeting. Lindell speculated that he could ask the former president about a potential military takeover, but then appeared to backtrack. “I don’t know if that could even be a question for him,” Lindell said. “This is on God’s timing!” 


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Lindell seems to have adjusted his expectations again, without quite saying so: He presumably understands that a case dropped on the Supreme Court on Nov. 23 will not result in Trump’s “reinstatement” as president by Thanksgiving, which is two days later. Last week, even Steve Bannon — who has displayed fervent pro-Trump loyalty since receiving his presidential pardon — urged the pillow tycoon to “be realistic” about his goal of overturning the 2020 election by way of the high court. 

RELATED: Steve Bannon has enough of Mike Lindell’s election “fantasy,” pleads with him to “be realistic”

Lindell told Bannon on the latter’s “War Room: Pandemic” podcast that he hoped to get “a minimum of 20” state attorneys general to sign on to his still-invisible lawsuit. “I’d like to get all 50 attorneys generals [sic], because every one of them should be worried,” he continued. That was when Bannon gently pleaded with Lindell to “be realistic” about the probable outcome of his crusade.

For the moment, Lindell’s optimism seems unshaken, even as another self-imposed deadline approaches. He says he will once again give up sleep and host a three-day marathon online event ahead of the holiday to bring attention to his cause, running for 72 hours straight on the Frank site.    

Neither Lindell nor his legal team responded to Salon’s request for comment.

More from Salon’s coverage of Mike Lindell’s war on democracy (and/or tireless crusade for truth):

Want to make energy cheap? Build renewables fast, not gradually

GLASGOW, SCOTLAND — The biggest surprise during the first two days of the pandemic-delayed UN Climate Summit in Glasgow came from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who made a series of bold commitments to green energy. India already ranks third for renewable energy capacity; Modi pledged to quintuple India’s current 100 gigawatts of renewable energy generation to 500 gigawatts by 2030. That number is higher than the country’s entire electricity generation capacity today.

Modi also pledged to slash the carbon intensity of India’s economy by 45%. He promised that steps like these would let India cap its greenhouse emissions by 2070 — pledging to a timeline he had long resisted — and eliminate a billion tons of carbon pollution a year this decade. Meanwhile, the International Energy Agency said that India’s commitment was a significant step towards showing to the world, for the first time, one available road map to cap warming below two degrees Celsius.

What made this grand pronouncement from the world’s second most populous country possible? Modi could commit to such emission reductions for one reason: India is driving down the experience curve – perhaps the most crucial factor about the economics of clean energy.

Not only do wind, solar, batteries, electric vehicles and heat pumps get cheaper over time. They get cheaper faster if we just build more of them. This is their unique, almost magical property. If we want cheaper clean energy, we merely need to build more of it. This phenomenon – called the experience curve – has been demonstrated for solar panels, wind turbines, LED lights, and lithium ion batteries. And it has been occurring for decades.

It does not apply to mature technologies like coal-fired power plants, internal combustion engines, or gas furnaces and water heaters. The more oil we burn, the more it costs, as we are experiencing right now. The more solar, the cheaper it gets, as this graph from Our World in Data shows.

India is perhaps the best example of a country that has ridden the experience curve to cheaper and cheaper renewable power — in spite of the fact that it started later than rivals like China, and had to overcome high-cost domestic capital.

Indeed, India has doubled its renewables capacity roughly every five years – five-fold in the last decade.

India is probably the biggest renewables success story among developing economies. But it is not alone. The International Energy Agency reports that solar power is, in most of the world, already the cheapest electricity — far cheaper than new coal or gas plants.

And it’s not just solar and wind that fall in price as they grow in size. The next crucial clean energy technology – advanced batteries needed to enable the shift in the transportation sector to electricity, as well as to manage the intermittency of wind and sunshine – also displays a steep experience curve. Deploying today’s batteries faster not only makes tomorrow’s cheaper, but actually pays for itself almost immediately.

Yet even with these examples and this data, even with the media focus on how desperate the climate threat has become, it’s clear in Glasgow that advocates of effective, rapid climate progress must still wrestle with a persistent and crippling myth – that any rapid decarbonization transition will make us poorer. That myth is one of the major factors making it hard for the Glasgow COP to overcome the divisions among industrial and developing nations, carbon importing and exporting economies.

The new form of climate denial here in Glasgow is, “Yes, let’s get off fossil fuels – but gradually. That will be safer.” (You also hear it in the US, particularly from Senator Joe Manchin and the oil industry.) It won’t be.

This myth is very dangerous. While driving fast down the experience curve is a reliable way to cut energy costs and carbon emissions, it is not an automatic market response to the need for cheaper, cleaner energy. If you want cheaper energy, you have to decide to grow your cleaner energy as fast as you can.

Why is it safer to decarbonize faster, rather than slower?

First, when energy costs start high — as they did with renewables — markets won’t grow without policy intervention.

But making renewables cheaper is a game of scale. As the experience curve illustrates, costs go down not with time but with the scale of deployment: “more is cheaper,” not “later is cheaper.” Waiting makes energy more expensive.

With clean energy technologies, the curve is predictable and stable. Each doubling of deployment cuts cost at the same rate as previous growth. 

Initially, the experience curve requires a country to buy costly renewable power. However, since market share is low initially, one doesn’t buy very much of this costly clean energy. Only later, after a solid initial investment, do renewables become cheap. Steadily increasing volumes of this cheaper clean energy are sourced to replace expensive fossil fuel power, lowering the average electric bill. Moving slowly merely delays these benefits, raising costs in the meantime.

Likewise, early on, as the hard costs of technologies drive the experience curve down; these cost gains are global. China benefited from Germany’s investment in solar cell efficiency, and India took advantage of Chinese cost gains.

Later, the soft costs of innovation – finance and regulation in particular – need to fall. Late arrivals to a technology still need to drive down their own local soft cost experience curve. India perfected its auction system to drive its solar prices below China’s, even though it has not yet caught up in making panels. Vietnam lagged India in deploying solar. But in only two years of investing in solar, the country had increased its electrical generation capacity by 25%, and cut local solar costs in half.

Yet most countries are still refusing to either permit or finance sufficiently rapid renewables expansion. Indonesia has yet to emulate either India or Vietnam. Its renewable energy costs are 3-4 times higher than its neighbors. Australia rolled out a very simple regulatory model for deploying rooftop solar years ago. The US declined to adopt it. Hence, US rooftop solar costs 2½ times as much as Aussie consumers pay.

Cheap, clean energy is there to be had. But you do have to chase it. Not risk, but inertia and obstruction from special interests are the biggest barrier to getting off fossil fuels. Too much of the time and energy at Glasgow is spent arguing about the past – how we put ourselves at risk of climate catastrophe. Not enough is learning from the success stories that can still get us back on track.

What’s not to embrace about a clean energy revolution that enables every country to be energy self-sufficient, ends the scourge of air pollution, rescues the climate – and drives the cost of energy lower than it has ever been?

Abortion rights ‘in peril’ as Ohio GOP proposes total ban modeled on Texas law

Reproductive rights advocates on Thursday doubled down on their urgent demand that federal lawmakers pass legislation to protect the right to abortion after Ohio Republicans introduced a total ban on the procedure—part of a proposal modeled on Senate Bill 8 in Texas.

Like S.B. 8, Ohio’s House Bill 480 would enact an abortion ban that would be enforced entirely by vigilantes, with ordinary citizens empowered to sue anyone who helps a person obtain abortion care at any point in pregnancy.

Plaintiffs would be entitled to seek $10,000 or more in court and the law would include no exceptions for pregnancies resulting from rape or incest.

Defendants in civil suits would be barred from claiming “ignorance or mistake of law as a defense,” according to The Hill.


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NARAL Pro-Choice America warned that the introduction of H.B. 480 was a sign that “the S.B. 8 domino effect is well underway and will only continue to escalate in cruelty as long as the Supreme Court allows Texas’ blatantly unconstitutional law to stand.”

The U.S. Supreme Court drew condemnation in September when it allowed Texas’ law to go into effect—a move which has reportedly resulted in overwhelmed abortion clinics in neighboring states as Texans are forced to cross state lines to seek care.

This week the court heard oral arguments in two cases challenging S.B. 8—brought by abortion providers and by the Biden administration—and suggested it was open to allowing the providers to pursue their case, potentially returning the case to the lower courts.

RELATED: Are women people? Why the Supreme Court just signed off on a Texas law that denies women’s humanity

Rights advocates including NARAL and UltraViolet say people’s reproductive rights should not be left up to the court and that the Women’s Health Protection Act must be passed to protect the right to terminate a pregnancy. The legislation would codify Roe vs. Wade and permanently block laws like S.B. 8 and H.B. 480.

“The future of reproductive freedom is in peril,” said Adrienne Kimmell, acting president of NARAL. “With every passing day, more people in this country are being blocked from accessing abortion care and our leaders in the Senate must act. It is past time to pass the Women’s Health Protection Act and safeguard the legal right to abortion before the Supreme Court has the chance to end the constitutional right to abortion as we know it.”

Planned Parenthood Advocates of Ohio called the proposal “catastrophic” for communities across the state.

“Lawmakers and anti-abortion vigilantes have no business making personal medical decisions for their neighbors,” said Lauren Blauvelt-Copelin, vice president of government affairs and public advocacy for the organization.

Nan Whaley, a Democrat running for governor of Ohio in 2022, called the legislation “dangerous” and pledged to veto H.B. 480 or any similar legislation if she wins the election.

Jan. 6 rioter given jail sentence — after bragging she’d skate because of her skin color

The notorious Dallas-area realtor who flew to Washington, D.C., on a private plane for the January 6th “Stop the Steal” rally was sentenced to prison on Thursday.

U.S. District Judge Christopher Cooper sentenced Jenna Ryan to 60 days in prison, the HuffPost reported Thursday.

“I don’t think you could have missed the fact that this was no peaceful protest,” Cooper said. “You were a cheerleader, you cheered it on.”

In addition to cheering on the rioters, Ryan also reportedly pitched her real estate company.


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Prosecutors say Ryan posted a video of herself pledging to storm the Capitol.

“We are going to f*cking go in here,” Ryan said. “Life or death, it doesn’t matter. Here we go.”

Prosecutors argued for jail time, citing her boast on Twitter that she would not go to jail.

“Definitely not going to jail. Sorry I have blonde hair white skin a great job a great future and I’m not going to jail. Sorry to rain on your hater parade. I did nothing wrong,” she argued in March.

The comments were made while she was complaining about the “good-old-boys club in the conservative alt news.”

More from Salon’s coverage on the aftermath of Jan. 6:

“Love Hard,” a holiday catfish story masquerading as a romance, is a swipe right and a miss

Describing “Love Hard” as a serviceable, disposable holiday rom-com should be taken as a selling point, not an insult. That simply means that the movie is fulfilling the role everyone expects of it, following the Christmas TV movie blueprint to the millimeter.

Does it star someone who used to be a poster model for The CW (or The WB or UPN)? Why yes: “Vampire Diaries” star Nina Dobrev is this season’s career woman fleeing the horror show that is dating in the big city.

Her character Natalie undertakes a bicoastal mission to find The One, but even this quest is – check another box on that bingo card! – related to her career.

Natalie is a staff writer for a Buzzfeed-style site where she’s been forcibly married to the “disaster dates” beat by a grossly inappropriate boss who loves watching her suffer. Writing under the pseudonym Always a Bridesmaid, Natalie is a present-day Carrie Bradshaw who never gets to nut, and whose misery has been commodified into clickbait.

But Natalie really does believe in love, so she expands her search beyond the Los Angeles metropolitan area and swipes right on an outdoorsy East Coast hunk (“Never Have I Ever” star Darren Barnet). They trade playful banter and lines from Shel Silverstein poems, generally backstroking through a stream of meet-cute blah-dee-blah without meeting or connecting on FaceTime.

Just as we catch that whiff of day-old catfish, Natalie decides to take a grand leap and fly from Los Angeles to New York – Lake Placid, not that other dirty, unwholesome metropolis – only to find out that the guy whose personality has won her over doesn’t match his photo. She pictured she was chatting with the face of Paxton Hall-Yoshida only to be greeted in person by . . . Josh, played by “Silicon Valley” star Jimmy O. Yang.

Since all holiday movies operate upon a current of predictability established by the Hallmark Channel, especially throwaway cute bombs like this, you should be able to guess where this ends up.

It’s the journey that makes us question its worth.

“Love Hard” feels like a misfit created in a Christmas lab as opposed to a confectionery treat. A mating of algorithm and marketplace opportunity, it is the streaming service’s way of catering to a demand for inclusive casts that Hallmark didn’t deign to acknowledge for years.

RELATED: Hallmark movies are fascist propaganda

The reigning mistletoe movie juggernaut is starting to turn a corner on that front after years of literally interpreting the white Christmas concept. The willingness of other channels and streamers like Lifetime, Freeform, OWN and Netflix to appeal to audiences it willfully left out probably spurred this shift.

However, “Love Hard” is a cautionary example of what happens when we aren’t specific about what we want in a love story that isn’t merely a meeting of strangers but people from different backgrounds.

What we get in “Love Hard” is a rom-com written by a pair of white writers (Danny Mackey and Rebecca Ewing) that shoves an Asian American family into roles that were obviously meant for white actors, tossing in a few lines meant to acknowledge their Asian identity as a retrofit.

It’s hard to say whether it’s more maddening or hilarious that these tossed-off lines also affirm a few “model-minority” stereotypes. The catfish version of Josh can’t merely be hot, you see. Natalie’s friend gushes over the detail in his profile indicating Josh is an Asian American guy who speaks three languages. Granted, everyone embellishes in their dating profiles. But calling out ethnicity in that context represents a choice, and a clumsy one at that.

Upon meeting Josh’s family, which happens before Natalie comes face to face with him, his grandmother blurts out the guess that Natalie might be his “geisha” – which is ridiculous, but perhaps uniquely odd coming from the grandmother of man who identifies as Chinese.

All told it’s a strange case of a holiday story negating a family’s Asian identity while also othering them in specific way. That’s what hits before we get to the leads’ total lack of chemistry.


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There are three or four Hallmark Christmas movie formulas that made-for-TV flicks adapt to suit their own brand. This script adds the Netflix-friendly spin of having the two would-be turtle doves clash on the topic of favorite holiday movies.

Josh, an incurable romantic, adores “Love, Actually,” while “Die Hard” is Nat’s favorite midwinter jam. (The movie’s title represents a mash-up of these disparate tastes, although it could also be a caveman’s summary of the dating scene in 2021: “Love HARD . . . fire BAD!”) Opposites attract, always and forever . . . and yet the screenwriters never bother to develop a plausible path for the destined couple to find its way to each other.

This story’s swerve (which isn’t enough to qualify as a twist) is that the face Josh uses to hook Natalie in his dating profile belongs to his childhood friend Tag (Barnet). So as recompense for his deception Josh agrees to help Natalie land Tag, largely by making false claims about herself.

In exchange she agrees to pretend that she and Josh are dating, egged on by Josh’s competitive relationship with his hot older brother Owen (Harry Shum Jr.). Eventually the ruse spins off its axis, per usual, and resolves both typically and weakly.

 “Love Hard” is the umpteenth version of the Cyrano de Bergerac plot, where Mr. Right has the wrong looks but the soul of a poet and is drawn into a scheme to help a conventionally attractive person land another conventionally attractive person.

The lesson of this formula is that personality is more important than looks; also, Natalie, it’s Christmas! The holidays are a time for grand wish lists and settling for whatever marginally nice non-returnable crap you get instead. This film exemplifies that!

There’s an entirely separate, short piece to be written about what Dobrev’s character and her actions tell us about how Mackey and Ewing view journalists, but never mind that. Dobrev’s strength is in her fetching unpretentiousness; she’s perfect for the role of someone a mom would instantly like and who isn’t take aback by your horny grandma (Takayo Fischer, the true hero of this piece).

But in casting Yang, a stand-up comic, as the “nose,” the writers and director Hernán Jiménez pass up the chance to capitalize on his wit. Not to imply that Yang isn’t appealing, but this movie tosses him into a pageant with two actors, Shum and Barnet, who have been marketed as sex symbols. At least give the kid some jokes!

If only. Yang’s Josh is a neutered schlub living in his parents’ basement who doesn’t do much more than pacify the woman he’s fooled into blowing her personal time on a foolish wager.

Beyond their collaboration on a modern, non-controversial remake of “Baby It’s Cold Outside,” one of the few sequences that make sitting through this movie worthwhile, Yang and Dobrev share no spark. Zilch. And the writers don’t feed the actors much to help us even root for them as a couple.

All of this assumes the audience for “Love Hard” wants much of, well, anything from it other than a flash of warm fuzziness, which is probably silly. The main purpose of movies like this is to help us zone out or maybe serve as background noise as we prep home and hearth for the holly-and-ivy onslaught.

In that respect it does the job well enough. Beyond that isn’t much to hang our hopes on, let alone anything that merits the gift of our limited attention.

“Love Hard” streams Friday, Nov. 5 on Netflix. Watch a trailer for it below, via YouTube.

More stories you might like: 

Pentagon watchdog finds no evidence of criminal negligence in “regrettable” Kabul drone strike

An internal review conducted by Pentagon officials found that the agency held no responsibility for mistakenly executing a “regrettable” drone strike that killed three adult civilians and seven children in Afghanistan.  

The attack was originally carried out on Aug. 29 in Kabul, where the U.S. was carrying out mass evacuations of Afghan refugees in the wake of the Taliban’s sudden takeover of the country’s capital. The strike came just three days after a terrorist bombing at Hamid Karzai International Airport, which led to the deaths of 170 Afghan civilians and 13 members of the U.S. military, putting Pentagon officials on high alert for another bombing. 

In the days leading up to what the Defense Department called a “righteous strike,” top generals mistakenly identified an aid worker they thought to be an Islamic State operative living a few kilometers from the airport. According to The Washington Post, the worker was hauling cans of water – thought to be explosives – to his family. 

In the immediate aftermath of the strike, Pentagon officials steadfastly claimed that no civilians had been harmed, noting that a “secondary explosion” confirmed the apparent presence of bombs on the target. After investigations by The New York Times and the Post, the Pentagon admitted there was no secondary explosion and that “the strike was a tragic mistake.”

RELATED: Joe Biden’s revenge: Drone attacks are fueling the “madness of militarism” in Afghanistan

In a press conference this week, Lt. Gen. Sami Said, the Air Force inspector general tasked with heading the internal probe, told reporters that the Pentagon suffered communication breakdowns stemming from the high-pressure conditions following the airport bombing. 


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“You have to put yourself into the conditions that existed at the time,” Said said. “So you can imagine the stress on the force is high and the risk to force is high, and not appreciating [the incident] through that lens, I think would be inappropriate.”

“Individuals involved in this strike interviewed during this investigation truly believed at the time that they were targeting an imminent threat to U.S. forces on [the airport],” the general added, suggesting that there was no negligence anywhere in the chain of command. 

Pentagon investigators consequently found that no one involved in the operation should be held criminally accountable. 

RELATED: Pentagon admits drone strike in Afghanistan killed 7 kids — and no ISIS-K fighters

“I found, given the information they have, and the analysis that they did, I understand they reached the wrong conclusions,” Said said. “Was it reasonable to conclude what they concluded based on what they had? It was not unreasonable, it just turned out to be incorrect.”

Though Said’s report did not hold any one individual accountable for the mistake, the general noted that commanders have this discretion. 

This week, the Defense Department admitted to having video evidence that there was a child in the area of the attack some two minutes before launch was executed. Said claimed that the child was, however, easy to miss in the footage.

“Two independent reviews that I conducted, the physical evidence of a child was apparent at the 2-minute point,” he said. “But it is 100 percent not obvious; you have to be looking for it.”

The U.S. has vowed to make “ex gratia condolence payments” to the families of those killed in the strike.

Aaron Rodgers has COVID after misleading about vaccine status: What’s next?

Days before one of the Green Bay Packers’ biggest games of the season against the Kansas Chiefs, quarterback and occasional “Jeopardy!” guest host Aaron Rodgers is in hot water.

Rodgers has tested positive for COVID and reportedly doesn’t meet the NFL and the Players Association’s standards for being “fully vaccinated” either, despite misleading statements that he was, reports USA Today 

In August, when asked whether he had been vaccinated, Rodgers responded, “Yes, I’ve been immunized.” According to NFL.com, Rodgers had petitioned the NFL to recognize a homeopathic treatment he’d received from his personal doctor to “raise his antibody levels” as equal to one of the league’s three approved vaccines. The petition was denied, but Rodgers continued to misleadingly represent himself as fully vaccinated.

At the same time in August that Rodgers had answered “yes” to a question about being vaccinated, he also stood up for players who have chosen not to be vaccinated, as if he weren’t one of them. “There’s guys on the team that haven’t been vaccinated. I think it’s a personal decision. I’m not going to judge those guys,” Rodgers told reporters at the time. “There’s guys that have been vaccinated that have contracted COVID. So it’s an interesting issue.”

RELATED: NFL’s racist criteria to avoid paying Black retirees in concussion settlement draws rebuke

With news that Rodgers has COVID and isn’t vaccinated, all eyes are on the Green Bay Packers leadership and the NFL at large for what will happen next. Days after being spotted at a Halloween party grooving as John Wick, Rodgers now has COVID, and won’t be allowed to return to the field or team practice facilities for 10 days, even if he is asymptomatic, per league guidelines.

But as Rodgers’ behavior since deceiving reporters about his vaccination status in August falls under greater scrutiny, it’s clear the reigning MVP has been breaking at least one of the league’s safety protocols: Rodgers has given interviews indoors maskless on numerous occasions, despite the rule that unvaccinated players are to wear masks “at all times when inside the Club facility” and are also subject to daily PCR testing.

While a source tells USA Today that Rodgers has complied with daily COVID testing, it’s not clear whether he’s complied with the numerous other safety requirements for unvaccinated players, such as not coming within six feet of unvaccinated players while traveling and eating. NFL spokesperson Brian McCarthy has said the league is “aware of the current situation in Green Bay and will be reviewing with the Packers,” but as of Thursday, it’s still not clear what actions will be taken to penalize Rodgers, or keep other players and workers at the facility safe.

According to ESPN, the NFL can fine players at least $14,650 on their first offense for violating COVID-19 protocols, with a maximum of $50,000. However, the NFL said in a Wednesday statement that “the primary responsibility” for enforcing COVID-19 protocols lies with the team, rather than the league. Meanwhile, the NFL has said it will “review the matter” unfolding within the Green Bay Packers and cited other teams that have been disciplined for protocol violations, including the New Orleans Saints, Las Vegas Raiders, New England Patriots, and others. 


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The NFL is notably just one of many sports leagues that have had to grapple with the safety risks of players refusing to be vaccinated, and all leagues are handling the matter differently. Where the WNBA took a more proactive role as the league’s player association led an education program and one-on-one outreach about the program, leading to more than 99% of the league being vaccinated, other sports leagues have struggled like the NFL. 

The NBA’s vaccination policies have been similar to the NFL’s, including a requirement for frequent testing, and not being allowed to eat in the same room with vaccinated teammates or staff, having lockers as far away from vaccinated players as possible, and staying masked and at least six feet away from anyone else in any team meeting. 

But where the NFL continues to pay unvaccinated players who miss games, and only docks their pay if they cause an outbreak that leads to a forfeit, the NBA docks the pay of unvaccinated players who are forced to sit out of games in cities due to individual cities’ pandemic restrictions. Currently, Brooklyn Nets star Kyrie Irving has been forced to sit out from games indefinitely, not because the NBA requires him to be vaccinated, but because he would miss too many games due to New York City indoor vaccination requirements, prompting Brooklyn Nets leadership to decide to sit him out.

As fans and media continue to speculate about Rodgers’ vaccination status, health and behavior, Packers fans are hoping Rodgers will be able to rejoin the team by the day before the Packers’ Nov. 14 game against the Seahawks. Of course, this will only be possible if he tests negative and is asymptomatic at the 10-day mark by Nov. 13 next week.

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Meghan Markle “excites controversy” — Andrew Morton on the galvanizing power of the People’s Duchess

It started out as a fairytale made for a Netflix rom-com — the beautiful American and the prince who fall in love and get married. But the sequel has been far more interesting, as the royal couple and their expanding family leave the stifling shackles of the empire and carve a new life in, of all places, Hollywood.

The story of the Duke and Duchess of Sussex, more familiarly known as Harry and Meghan, isn’t quite so simple or sunny, of course. There are family tragedies, estrangements, scathing rumors and a hefty dose of racism. But as royal family chronicler Andrew Morton, what makes their saga unique is the couple’s sincere and strong bond.

In his updated version of “Meghan and the Unmasking of the Monarchy,” the prolific biographer and author of “Diana: Her True Story —in Her Own Words” follows the life of the girl who once worked at a soft serve place called Humphrey Yogart, to becoming the daughter-in-law of the future king of England, through to her current incarnation as a California mother, producer and dropper of bombshells to Oprah.

Salon spoke to Morton via phone recently about the behind-the-scenes intrigues the world didn’t see, how “Megxit” really unfolded, what might lie ahead for Prince Andrew, and why we keep being fascinated with this family.

This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.

Watching Meghan’s public trajectory, it’s hard not to make comparisons with Diana.

Plus ca change. Everything changes. Everything stays the same. Meghan’s talking about her sense of isolation, her loneliness, and her despair. Diana, similarly, was talking about the fact that she just felt that she was living in a hostile environment. The difference — the big difference — was that Diana and Charles effectively separated pretty early on in their marriage and went their separate ways.

Whereas, with Meghan and Harry, the one thing you can’t say about them is that they’re not a genuinely loving couple.

The parallels between Meghan and Diana are certainly stunning. I was thinking also with regard to their relationships with the press.

With all that to be said, it’s not about individual members of the press. It’s about how [Harry] feels in relation to what happened to his mother. I don’t want to speak for Prince Harry, but he will tell you, if you ask him the question, that he feels that sweating, the panic, the claustrophobia, when he’s faced with the cameras.

One of the things that intrigued me is he’s admitted that even going back to London makes him very agitated. I think he has a lot of work to do on himself in order to come to terms with his mother’s death. That’s not something lashing out at the press is going to achieve.


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There’s a part in the book where you ask, “Who would accommodate whom? Who would blink first?” It feels, when we think about the royal family, that it always comes down to that, and it always comes down to the outsider to blink first. I wonder, when you think of it in those very reductive terms, did anybody blink first, or did both sides walk away from that showdown?

That’s a very good point. I think that the royal family blinked first and tried to accommodate them. Whatever they tried to do, they couldn’t accommodate them. You have to ask yourself, how much of their decision to leave is predicated on the fact that Harry himself, finds it very difficult performing in public? All that to be said, they have swapped one microscope for another.

Meghan is coming from this world that is so different. She’s come up against challenges with the British press, with the royal family, with social media, with her own family, that no other person who has married into that family has had to deal with. Was it always going to go down like this?

You’ve got this father-daughter battle, which has been made to seem like it’s the daughter versus the media, but it’s really the daughter versus her father. If her friends hadn’t spoken to People magazine and talked about the letter, Mr. Markle wouldn’t have released the letter. I do find they are unrelentingly hostile to paparazzi, but they care deeply about the optics to do with them. So the first question people of her team will ask is, “What pictures are you using?”

You talk about that example where the press were taking pictures at Wimbledon and she reacted as if it was pictures of her. The idea that it could be about someone else almost didn’t seem possible.

I found the irony of that was that she’d been there three years before, 2016. She was photographed by the Getty photographer, and nobody knew who she was. They were more interested in Anna Wintour. How things change.

You also lay out in the book some of the misconceptions around her, around her own “pedigree.” This idea that she was just this interloper, this outsider, this American descended from enslaved people. Do you think that those kinds of conceptions hurt her reputation in the U.K.? Or was that something that actually might have made her seem more sympathetic? 

What I found shocking about all this is that initially on that May day in 2018, they couldn’t have been more beloved and admitted, as it were, into the British family. They were seen as the face of the future.

One of the things I found shocking was just how quickly it turned. I compared that as well to Diana, how quickly it turned with Diana as well. When they were both struggling to cope with just their life, the image of them was of, two women who were bossing people around. Diana was called a fiend and a monster. Meghan went from Duchess Delightful to Duchess Difficult. And that narrative stuck.

There’s that famous interview after Archie was born, and she breaks down a little. You talk about that, how galvanizing that moment was to see her that vulnerable, or in the eyes of some, manipulative and playing to the camera. It seems like there’s almost no way to not interpret this family. They become a litmus test for whomever is watching them and observing them. They are such a reflection of the public mood at any given time.

There is that knee-jerk cynicism. People talk about this endlessly, that in the old days, the Democrats and Republicans could work out a compromise. Now there’s just no way of any kind of compromise. Everybody immediately goes into their silos, no matter what the issue might be.

In the microcosm, we’ve seen the same with Meghan. That she excites controversy. For the right, she’s too preachy. For the left, she’s got too many high heels. She’s too articulate. She’s too opinionated. She’s very different to the kinds of women who have joined the royal family over the years. And that includes Diana. They have been, to a degree, molded and accepted the system. In fairness to Meghan, she accepted the system. She changed. She was becoming a British citizen. She was baptized in the Church of England. She gave up all the social media accounts that she had.

RELATED: Surprise! Lifetime’s new “Harry & Meghan” movie isn’t a total joke, veering from kind to just weird

Maybe anyone who joins that family thinks, “I can handle it.” I look at her and Harry in contrast with the very dutiful, toe-the-line narrative, certainly from this side of the Atlantic anyway, we see about William and Kate. It does feel extremely unprecedented, or certainly unprecedented in our lifetimes in a way, to turn your back on it all. Yet to walk into something completely different. This isn’t a quiet retreat at all.

It’s not a retreat. It’s not an impulsive retreat, either, as I’ve recently discovered. Harry, six months after their wedding, was in detailed discussions with Oprah in a London hotel and several of the media executives, talking about what eventually became “The Me You Can’t See,” and talking about his own struggles with mental health.

It’s not like he wasn’t going to do an Oprah interview. Whether he was inside or outside of the royal family, he was going to do that one.

You say when you get to that part of the narrative, how few people knew what they were cooking up. How few people knew what they were planning, in terms of the Oprah interview and the move.

I think that the narrative that they’d like to project is that they arrived in Los Angeles with a couple of suitcases and a cuddly toy and that was it. I think the reality is that they’ve been planning this move to Hollywood for some time, not necessarily where they were going to live.

But Meghan had been in talks with David Furnish, Elton John’s husband, about “Pearl.” They had conversations with Jeffrey Katzenberg, about his streaming service Quibi. Harry was very keen on Hollywood and was in conversations with Oprah Winfrey, secret conversations with her, way back in December 2018, whilst they were still about to move into Frogmore, taking on Commonwealth positions and so on. So whilst the plan wasn’t fully worked out, I wouldn’t suggest that they were babes in the woods.

Now they’ve set on this path that’s almost normalized. They’re parents of two kids. They live in L.A. They have a growing empire of their own that they’re building, as “lesser royals,” or whatever.

Prince Harry’s probably got more bathrooms to choose from than the Queen.

I’m sure he’s doing fine. I’m sure their children will be just fine as well, and live to be royalty in California.

I think what people haven’t really taken onboard is that Lilibet is going to be the first ever American princess. Archie was born in the U.K. There’s some debate about whether she’s going to be christened in the U.S. or the U.K. If she’s christened in the U.S., then I think America will embrace her as an American princess.

It’s a whole new world. And then 15 years from now . . .

For the kids, it’s going to be unique.

What happens now to the monarchy? Has Meghan disrupted it, or is it business as usual?

I think the irony is that Prince Charles and Prince William saw themselves as being the leaders of the slimmed down monarchy. In a way, Harry and Meghan have done them a favor by jumping ship, rather than being asked to walk the gangplank. They would’ve had a supportive role, and their position would’ve been progressively lower down the pecking order, as Louis, and Charlotte, and George, all came into maturity.

It’s rather like Prince Andrew, who was at one point second in line for the throne. Now he’s way down the order. Meghan and Harry have got a generation to really make an impact. Then afterwards, it’ll be, “Oh, Meghan who?”

But we’ll still care about Lilibet.

The very fact that they can go to New York and have the Mayor and the Governor pay court is a sign of their international prestige. And the fact that they’re known by their first names, like Madonna, is also a sign of their popularity. It’s going to be very interesting to see how they carve out a career without mining themselves, which is what they’ve always objected to. And so far, they’ve mined themselves with that Oprah interview, with their only one Spotify conversation.

Harry has his book coming out. But after that, it’s going to be a question of, as television and film producers, do they have knack of picking out the scripts like “Squid Game”? Harry and Meghan were very fortunate to be signed up at a time when these streaming services were eager to sign up big names, because they’ve got the global reach, and these are global institutions. It remains to be seen whether they’ll be worth the money they’ll be paid.

Andrew, I have to ask, you mentioned Prince Andrew. What do you think his role is now going forward as a royal? Where do you think he ends up in the public face of the monarchy?

Well, he’s the most unpopular member of the royal family, according to a latest U.K. poll. His relationship with Jeffrey Epstein, whether or not he had sex with Virginia Giuffre, the fact is that he remained friends with a convicted pedophile and stayed at his house for five days. It’s a mess. It’s an unmitigated mess. His royal career is over. I think the best thing he should be doing is as a land manager of Balmoral, or something working for the family firm as an executive, overseeing the works on the farms. I think his royal career is pretty well caput.

I think people never stop being fascinated with this family because we see all our family dynamics played out in these sibling dramas, in-law dramas, mental health problems, postpartum problems, petty rivalries and embarrassing relatives.

What I took from this book was this sense that Meghan and Harry have a real partnership and real respect for each other. Whatever comes next, remains to be seen. But they’re in it together, and that’s interesting to watch.

They’re not going separate ways. Most people would bet the farm on the fact that they’re in for life. It’s not about monarchy. As you say, it’s about families.

 

More royal family coverage: 

Trump’s top allies set up “First Amendment fund” for former aides caught up in Jan. 6 investigations

Some of Donald Trump’s top allies are setting up a legal fund for former aides caught up in the congressional investigation of the Jan. 6 riot.

Leading conservative activist Matt Schlapp and his wife, Mercedes, who served as Trump’s director of strategic communications, have created a “First Amendment fund” for former Trump aides who have been subpoenaed by the House select committee, and their legal defense would come from the law firm associated with former acting attorney general Matt Whitaker, reported “Rolling Stone.”

“Matt Schlapp, Mercedes Schlapp, and Matt Whitaker offered to pay for everyone’s legal fees except” for two people under subpoena, said an attorney familiar with the legal fund. “They’re doing it all through Whitaker’s firm in Kansas City.”

Whitaker returned to to the firm Graves Garrett after serving nearly four months as Trump’s acting attorney general at the height of special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation, and an attorney working on matters related to the Jan. 6 probe said it was clear the attorneys being paid by the Schlapps want a window into the House investigation.

“They wanted to know sh*t,” the attorney said.


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Sources said they will go toward the legal defense of four of the twice-impeached one-term president’s former aides linked to the “Stop the Steal” rally that preceded the violent insurrection.

“The four individuals who were part of this group and are being represented by the fund include Maggie Mulvaney, a former Trump campaign worker who’s also the niece of former White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney; Tim Unes, who worked with Trump’s campaign and now runs an event management firm called Event Strategies Inc.; Justin Caporale, Unes’ partner at Event Strategies who formerly worked in Trump’s White House as a lead advance representative; and Megan Powers, a political consultant and erstwhile Trump campaign aide,” “Rolling Stone” reported. The attorney offers a succinct response when asked if the legal fund established by the Trump allies is helping any of the ex-president’s supporters who broke into the halls of Congress.

The funds will not go toward the legal defense for any of the hundreds of Trump supporters who went inside the U.S. Capitol after leaving the rally at the Ellipse.

“Oh, f*ck no,” the attorney said. “Their fund is to defend the people that put on the Trump rally.”

More from Salon’s coverage on the aftermath of Jan. 6:

Manhattan DA convenes new grand jury in Trump Organization probe

Another long-term grand jury, created with the intention of hearing evidence against former president Donald Trump’s business empire (and potentially vote on criminal charges), was convened by the Manhattan district attorney recently, according to a report.

These proceedings, the second grand jury formed in Manhattan DA Cy Vance’s ongoing probe of the Trump Organization, are expected to examine whether Trump’s company valued its assets in a way that allowed it to criminally skirt tax liabilities, according to a source who spoke with The Washington Post.

This differentiates the current grand jury from a previous one Vance had convened this past spring to handle allegations that the Trump Organization dodged millions of dollars on their taxes by hiding their compensation from the IRS using assets and apartment payments, among other things. That probe ended with charges against the company’s former Chief Financial Officer Allen Weisselberg and other executives. 

For their part, both Weisselberg and the Trump Organization have pleaded not guilty.


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Vance is set to leave office by the end of the year following Tuesday’s election — leaving the new Manhattan DA, Alvin Bragg, to inherit the investigation into the twice-impeached former president’s business dealings. Vance declined to speak with the Post about his investigation, while Bragg has also repeatedly declined to make a statement about the matter while on the campaign trail.

The new grand jury is set to meet at least three days a week over the next six months, the Post reported, and will be shunted off to a courtroom normally reserved for estate disputes due to the crush of post-pandemic trial activity.

Trump and his family have blasted Vance’s probe in the past, saying the investigation — as well as another spearheaded by New York Attorney General Letitia James — is motivated strictly by political animus.

“This type of targeting and harassment violates every ethical guideline of a prosecutor,” Eric Trump previously told the Post.It’s wrong.”

This isn’t the first time the Trump Organization is facing allegations that it manipulated the valuation of its assets in order to avoid taxes — in court filings James has indicated that her investigation is focusing in part on the valuations of a Trump golf course in Los Angeles, an office building he owns on Wall Street in Manhattan and a suburban New York estate called Seven Springs.

Former Trump attorney Michael Cohen also made similar accusations during Congressional testimony in 2019.

“It was my experience that Mr. Trump inflated his total assets when it served his purposes, such as trying to be listed amongst the wealthiest people in Forbes, and deflated his assets to reduce his real estate taxes,” Cohen said at the time.

It is unclear whether Vance’s second grand jury will return any charges — it remains possible that the proceedings end without issuing any indictments. 

More on the growing legal case against the Trump Organization:

Benedict Cumberbatch charms as a cat-loving genius in Amazon’s showy “Electrical Life of Louis Wain”

Louis Wain, cat painter, illustrator, amateur inventor, hobbyist, and would-be musician, was an unusual man. He was as unkempt as his hair, talked a mile a minute, and moved kinetically through life. (He swims spasmodically, and plays a piano with his feet, proving this point). Wain was obsessed with harnessing electricity for practical use, and later believed cats could conduct it. His life story gets an unconventional retelling in the peculiar biopic, “The Electrical Life of Louis Wain,” co-written and directed by Will Sharpe. 

The drama, cheekily narrated by Olivia Colman, concentrates on Wain’s (Benedict Cumberbatch) life from the 1880s through the early 1920s. She explains that Wain was in charge of his five sisters and his mother after the death of his father. However, he’s not very responsible — that duty falls to his formidable sister, Caroline (Andrea Riseborough), who runs the chaotic Wain household with an iron fist. Alas, Louis is not interested in work, given that he prefers to make drawings, pen operas, and dabble in boxing, all to Caroline’s chagrin.

When Louis is offered a job illustrating for a newspaper edited by Sir William Ingram (Toby Jones), he initially turns it down. But when he realizes his work will help pay for his sister’s governess, Emily (Claire Foy), he changes his mind. At their first family dinner together, Louis and Emily make eyes at each other, signaling that they are, pardon the pun, smitten kittens. Of course, proper society looks down on gentlemen consorting with the lower classes, but neither Louis nor Emily seem to care. (Caroline, of course, is concerned not only about the family’s finances, but also its reputation). 

RELATED: Pay her, she’s the queen: The gender pay gap on “The Crown” is a disgrace

“The Electrical Life of Louis Wain” spends much of its first half on the courtship between Louis and Emily. Their romance is more awkward than whirlwind as he fears she will dislike him because of his severe harelip and recurring nightmares. (Both are brought vividly to life). Emily, however, is more than pleased to spend time with Louis, and a trip to the theater to see “The Tempest,” which triggers his fears, cements their attraction even as it causes tongues to wag. 

However, the couple’s happiness is short lived as they receive bad news. Things improve slightly when Louis and Emily take in a cat that they name Peter. Peter brightens their spirits and inspires Louis’ talents. And before tragedy strikes, there is a moving scene of Emily and Louis talking about their mutual appreciation for each other. 

Sharpe films all this in a style that accentuates the eccentric. He uses Dutch angles, an unsteady camera (to convey uneasiness), and irises to emphasize emotion or suggest a memory. He employs the theremin to provide an offbeat score. There is also meowing on the soundtrack and some of the cats’ dialogue is subtitled. At its wildest, Sharpe fills the screen with kaleidoscopic images, to indicate Louis’ deteriorating mental state as grief, financial pressures, and other things overwhelm him. (One of his sisters also suffers from mental health issues).


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“The Electrical Life of Louis Wain,” is deliberately more fable than biopic. The film makes its points about Louis’ poor decisions — like his failure to secure a copyright for his work — but is more focused on showing his resilience. His idea to go to America is in his mind a good one, but the reality of him lecturing suggests otherwise. Sharpe has Louis, who anthropomorphized cats in his illustrations, envision cat heads on people in the audience. Louis also has an unsettling, nightmarish moment on the ship on his journey home. In addition, scenes of Louis chasing electricity seem to emphasize his madness.

If Sharpe’s treatment of his subject is at times fanciful — a National Cat Club meeting is whimsical — it is always respectful. A late scene in the film, where Louis reconnects with Dan Rider (Adeel Akhtar), a man he met decades earlier, is quite poignant. Louis’ character is celebrated throughout the film for being different. As H.G. Wells (Nick Cave) indicates in a radio broadcast, Louis Wain was “devoted his life to making all our lives happier, and cattier…. He changed our world for the better.” 

Cumberbatch embodies Louis Wain in the same way he did Alan Turing in “The Imitation Game,” by using his tics and idiosyncrasies to show his genius and his fragile mental state. It is an unselfconscious performance that never feels mannered or fussy (even when it is supposed to be). When Wain talks to his cats it is not a cutesy affectation but a man who is making a connection that informs his world, others be damned. In support, Claire Foy captures Emily’s quirky boldness that provides a good balance for Louis’ more frenetic nature. And Andrea Riseborough is terrific expressing considerable disdain with just a sidelong glance.

“The Electrical Life of Louis Wain” is uneven, and it feels a little too calculated, but it is a diverting tribute to its subject. Moreover, the film’s end credits showcase some of Wain’s artwork that will be catnip for some viewers.

“The Electrical Life of Louis Wain” is available Nov. 5 on Amazon Prime. Watch the trailer for it below, via YouTube.

More stories you might like:

The best non-alcoholic amari

As we prepare to go into the holiday season, when huge meals, seasonal parties, and (if you’re me) gorging on Halloween candy become the norm for a few months, those who are avoiding alcohol can rejoice that a wide selection of excellent non-alcoholic bitters are now available for after dinner digestives. Traditionally, bitter liqueurs called amari (amaro as the singular) are served as the balancing finale to rich meals, often alongside or in place of dessert. The unique flavor profiles and complexity in each of these zero-proof options hold their own against (and maybe even rival!) their alcoholic cousins. In the tradition of amari, most of which were marketed as “functional beverages” in the 19th and early 20th century, most of these non-alcoholic bitters also claim to have curative effects or to produce feelings of conviviality from adaptogens, nootropics, and vitamin boosts — minus the impairment of alcohol, of course.

Zero proof versions of the classics

In the market for a sweet, baking-spice-forward style like Amaro Lucano or Luxardo Amaro Abano? Sexy AF’s Amar-Oh is a superb blend of sweet cinnamon and star anise, complimented by just enough tart rhubarb and bitter cinchona bark to keep it sophisticated. Amar-Oh has the rich, syrupy mouthfeel of a real amaro, which makes it perfect for sipping straight up or on the rocks, and works so well in so many cocktails, from a simple spritz to a complicated tiki drink that it deserves to be one of your dry bar staples.

If you like your amaro with the cough-drop-like bite of Fernet-Branca, Harmony Alpine Digestif is the only brand I know that is making a zero proof replacement in this style. Flavors of licorice, juniper, peppermint, wormwood and eucalyptus make for an invigorating (and sinus clearing) combination that aids digestion, and anyone who has longed for an alcohol-free Fernet and cola will be ecstatic for Harmony Alpine Digestif.

For after-dinner coffee drinkers

If you crave the flavor of after-dinner coffee but still want an exquisite bitter, Woodnose Sacré is a must try. Made in Vermont from local maple syrup and accurately described by the producer as “mysteriously flavored,” Woodnose has managed to craft a beverage that unquestionably tastes and smells like maple syrup, yet not at all sweet, with roasty espresso and tart balsamic vinegar flavors.

The zesty tart and bitter citrus kick of Bonbuz’s Alcohol-Free Alchemy Spirit, with around 50 milligrams of natural caffeine as well as a bright herbal bitterness from green tea, and an assortment of good-for-you ingredients such as folic acid and niacinamide not only cleanses the palate after a rich meal but, with a little seltzer water, makes an excellent spritz. It’s perfect for a Saturday afternoon park hang, or if you have some work to finish post-dinner but want to avoid full-strength night coffee.

I am generally adaptogen-agnostic, but Three Spirit’s line of three expressions, designed to take you from the beginning of the night to tucking you into bed, really did seem to do what they said on the bottle. For those nights when dinner is the prelude to a party, Three Spirit Livener, a tongue-tinglingly spicy watermelon and pomegranate spirit, will let you shake off that four course food coma; the ginseng, guayusa, and natural caffeine combo packs quite a punch.

Bittersweet and balanced

Prefer to close down the restaurant with an old friend to closing down the club at 4 a.m.? Three Spirit’s The Social Elixir, with vitamin C and an assortment of low dose B vitamins, offers a less intense energy boost than Livener. Over ice, the earthy, balanced sweetness from damiana, molasses, and cacao bloom, taming the acid from coconut vinegar, followed by a beautiful tannic dryness courtesy of decaffeinated yerba mate and green tea.

Three Spirit’s final expression, The Nightcap, has a subtle ginger warmth and the round, cozy sweetness of vanilla and maple syrup, which manage to fully disguise the added valerian root, a stinky but effective herbal sleep aid, perfect for when your after dinner plans are falling asleep with a good book.

In a similar vein to Three Spirit, Rasāsvāda offers three unique expressions, but with each “spirit restorative” focused on a distinct flavor profile crafted around a core bitterness, rather than physiological effect. My favorite, Ruby Artemesia, is a richly flavored and artfully balanced blend of full-bodied red grape and Japanese raisin, tart ume, vegetal artichoke, tingly chrysanthemum, all tied together with the five-flavor berry, schizandra around a bitter center of herbal wormwood and woody cinchona.

Fruity and floral

Citrus fruit is often central to amaro-making, and Rasāsvāda Rose Bergamot takes that tradition and runs with it into a field of flowers. Tart-and-bitter from a citrus peel bouquet of yuzu, grapefruit, lemon, lime, and, of course, bergamot, Rasasvada adds a blast of rose and bold, spicy geranium, an unusual and exquisite addition that will make you wonder what other flowers beverage makers should be borrowing from perfumers.

For a fruit-forward alternative to more traditional citrus peel, Melati, a rich, ruby red elixir, opens with the sweet but bitter flavor of fresh pomegranate seeds. Goji berries are prominent, and combine with softening damiana to produce a delightful flavor not unlike chewy Australian red licorice, while sencha tea and aronia berries lend a strong, dry finish, so Melati maintains its elegant amaro edge.

Herbal and aromatic

Gnista Floral Wormwood is positively redolent with the sweet scent of its namesake herb. The bitter flavor of wormwood is joined by intense orange peel, a green and floral oregano blossom, floating over a deep, raisiny sweetness. It’s absolutely wonderful straight up, in a glass big enough to sink your nose into and inhale the wonderful wormwood aroma.

Rasāsvāda Black Ginger opens with a gorgeous saffron and sarsaparilla root on the nose, that leads to earthy burdock and turmeric, and a bracingly medicinal eucalyptus on the finish, and so notably settled my stomach I felt like I understood what digestif meant for the first time in my life.

With so many options available for every palate, there’s certainly a non-alcoholic amaro or two that will appeal to every non-drinker, though with each having their own unique and complex flavor, bitter-lovers might just find themselves collecting all of these and more!

Steele dossier researcher Igor Danchenko arrested by Bill Barr’s special prosecutor: report

Federal authorities arrested a researcher who contributed information on possible links between Donald Trump and Russia for former British spy Christopher Steele’s salacious “dossier,” according to a report by “The New York Times.”

“The arrest of the analyst, Igor Danchenko, is part of the special counsel inquiry led by John H. Durham, who was appointed by the Trump administration to scrutinize the Russia investigation for any wrongdoing,” the newspaper reported, citing “people familiar with the matter.”

Danchenko made a name for himself by revealing there were indications Vladimir Putin’s dissertation contained plagiarized sections.


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“Danchenko, was the primary researcher of the so-called Steele dossier, a compendium of rumors and unproven assertions suggesting that Mr. Trump and his 2016 campaign were compromised by and conspiring with Russian intelligence officials in Moscow’s covert operation to help him defeat Hillary Clinton. The people familiar with the matter spoke on condition of anonymity because the indictment of Mr. Danchenko had yet to be unsealed,” the newspaper reported.

The charges were not listed by the newspaper, but there was reportedly more than one.

Read the full report.

Now Ohio Republicans want to give themselves 86% of seats — after Trump won with 53%

Ohio Republicans late Wednesday night unveiled new district maps that could expand their 2010 gerrymander and give them a 13-2 advantage in the state’s congressional delegation.

The state’s Republican Party orchestrated one of the most successful gerrymanders in 2010, giving themselves a 12-4 advantage in Congress in a state former President Barack Obama had actually carried in 2008, winning 51% of the vote. A federal court ruled that the map was illegal nine years later, finding that the state legislature had “manipulated district lines in an attempt to control electoral outcomes,” but the Supreme Court effectively nullified the ruling when it decided in 2019 that federal courts have no jurisdiction over partisan gerrymanders.

Ohio voters overwhelmingly voted three years ago to create a bipartisan redistricting commission. But that panel failed to approve new district maps by Sunday’s deadline, after the Census Bureau delayed the release of data used for redistricting by five months. As a result, the redistricting process was punted to the Republican-dominated state legislature, which quickly released maps expanding the GOP advantage. The public was required to submit testimony for public hearings hours before the maps were even released and lawmakers got just 20 minutes to analyze them before they were advanced by committees in party-line votes, according to the Ohio Capital Journal.

The map released by the House GOP could give Republicans a 13-2 advantage after the state lost a congressional seat following the census, according to the Columbus Dispatch, though the Senate map would be more competitive than the House version. The maps could give Republicans 86% of the state’s congressional seats, even though Donald Trump won just 52% of the vote in 2020.

RELATED: GOP may be getting “greedy” in redistricting war — but Democrats are “unilaterally disarming”

The new maps are “asinine” and “an outrageous insult,” Katy Shanahan, the Ohio director for the anti-gerrymandering group All on the Line, said in a statement.

“For the last decade, Ohioans have lived with some of the most gerrymandered congressional districts in the country and the Republicans just managed to propose two maps that are even worse than the one we have now,” she said. “It’s clear that the Republicans are approaching this redistricting cycle just as they did the one in 2011 with maps drawn in secret, without any real interest in public input, and with egregiously gerrymandered district lines.”

Both maps would dilute the voting power of major Democratic cities. Both maps divided the city of Cincinnati, which President Joe Biden won with 57% of the vote, into neighboring Republican districts. The House map would split the city of Toledo while the Senate map would combine the city with several Republican-dominated counties, making it unlikely that Rep. Marcy Kaptur, D-Ohio, could win re-election. The House GOP would split Akron, another typically Democratic city, into two Republican districts while the Senate GOP would combine it with nearby Republican areas.

“Lawmakers should not be able to insulate themselves from the views of their constituents through a rigged system of gerrymandering,” Kaptur told the Ohio Capital Journal. “The proposals unveiled today are a clear violation of this most basic principle.”

District maps are typically enacted for 10-year periods between censuses but 60% of lawmakers, including 33% of Democrats, would have to approve the maps for them to be on the books for the next decade. Republicans can still approve the new map for a four-year period with a simple majority as long as it is deemed to meet certain constitutional criteria. The legislature has until Nov. 30 to approve a map.

Marc Elias, a prominent Democratic attorney and founder of Democracy Docket, vowed to sue the state if the House map is enacted.

“This nakedly partisan attempt to further rig the system in their favor is not only unacceptable, it’s unconstitutional,” Ohio Democratic Party spokesman Matt Keyes told the Columbus Dispatch. “There’s no world in which Ohio Democrats are going to stand by silently as the Ohio GOP tramples on the Constitution and the will of Ohio voters.”

The state’s bipartisan commission did not fare much better when it drew new maps for districts in Ohio’s state legislature. The panel’s Republican majority in September approved maps that would give Republicans 64% of legislative seats, despite winning 54% of the statewide vote. Gov. Mike DeWine, a Republican who served on the commission, expressed frustration that the maps were not “more constitutional” and acknowledged that “this matter will be in court.” Multiple voting rights  groups have filed lawsuits over the maps, accusing the panel of an illegal partisan gerrymander.


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Republicans, who are widely expected to win back control of the U.S. House next year, are working to expand their advantage across the country in the redistricting process. While Democrats are moving to carve out additional seats in states like Illinois, New York and Oregon, Republicans have total control of the redistricting process in far more states.

Alabama Republicans on Monday advanced a new district map that Democrats decried as racist. Though the state is 26% Black, the map packs many Black voters into one majority-Black district while the other six are overwhelmingly white.

Alabama’s Black voters “continue to be marginalized” by the state’s gerrymandering, said former Attorney General Eric Holder, chairman of the National Democratic Redistricting Committee.

“With the passage of maps that clearly dilute the influence of Alabama’s communities of color, the state legislature’s Republican majority is running a clinic on how not to have a fair and transparent redistricting process,” he said in a statement. “These elected officials had the opportunity to pass maps that reflect the state’s growing diversity while also incorporating input from the public hearings, and they failed.”

A federal court in 2017 ordered Alabama Republicans to redraw some of its state legislative districts over illegal racial gerrymandering. The state faces a separate lawsuit alleging that it also “racially gerrymandered” its congressional map by packing as “many minorities as possible” into a single district.

While Ohio and Alabama are still working on their maps, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott has already signed into law a new congressional map that dilutes the voting power of people of color. The state, which has a long history of racial gerrymanders, saw 95% of its population growth among communities of color, but its new maps shrink the number of minority-majority districts while expanding the power of white voters. Multiple Latino voting rights groups have sued over the new maps, accusing the state of an “unlawful attempt to thwart the changing Texas electorate.”

Read more on the redistricting battle ahead of the crucial 2022 midterms:

A COVID-19 vaccine for young children is here. Here’s what we know about how it works

For many American children age five to eleven, their weekend plans might at last include getting inoculated against the coronavirus.

On Tuesday evening, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s director Dr. Rochelle Walensky approved the recommendation for young children to be eligible for Pfizer-BioNTech’s COVID-19 vaccine, clearing the way for immediate vaccination of nearly 28 million children across the country.

The news may come as a relief to many parents, as the virus has not spared little kids. According to the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), as of October 28, 2021, nearly 6.4 million American children tested positive for COVID-19 since the beginning of the pandemic, representing 16.6% of all cases. Among states reporting their data, children have made up an estimated 1.7% to 4.2% of all hospitalizations, and up to 0.26% of all COVID-19 deaths. (The statistics have a larger range because, as noted by the AAP, the definition of “child” varies in each state).

While severe illness and death from COVID-19 is far more rare in children than in adults, it does happen occasionally. With vaccination, such tragedies are far, far less likely. Indeed, the availability of the Pfizer vaccine for kids will undoubtedly help relieve anxiety for families, bring more kids back to schools, and help slow the spread of the COVID-19.

“Together, with science leading the charge, we have taken another important step forward in our nation’s fight against the virus that causes COVID-19,” Walensky said in a statement. “We know millions of parents are eager to get their children vaccinated and with this decision.”

While millions of parents might be eager, they also might have questions about the first pediatric COVID-19 vaccine roll-out in the country. Below, we answer a few of them.

Can children get any vaccines like adults?

No, five to eleven-year-olds are only authorized to receive the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 pediatric vaccine, which is given at a lower dosage than the adult version, as explained by the CDC. Adolescents between the ages of 12 years and 17 years do receive the same dosage of Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine as adults.

Meanwhile, American adults over the age of 18 have their choice of the Pfizer-BioNTech, Moderna, or ​​Johnson & Johnson vaccines.

How many doses will my child receive?

Similar to the process for adults and adolescents, it is a two-dose vaccine. Children will receive their second shot of the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine three weeks after their first shot. Kids are considered fully vaccinated two weeks after they receive the second dose.

What’s different about this vaccine compared to the one for adolescents and adults?

The main difference is the dosage, but the active ingredients are the same. In clinical trials, Pfizer found that a 10-microgram dose for five- to eleven-year-olds was the sweet spot — meaning the balancing point between a strong immune response and few side effects. The pediatric dosage is one-third of the 30-microgram dose that has been used for those 12 and older.

Pfizer said this smaller dosage demonstrated a “strong immune response in this cohort of children one month after the second dose.” Another difference is that this pediatric version includes smaller needles that are specifically designed specifically for children, making it easier to administer on kids who are afraid of needles.

Where can my child get vaccinated?

The short answer is it depends on where you live. Some states, like California, have already started to offer vaccinations for young children at school clinics, pharmacies, pediatrician offices and county-run vaccination sites. In New York City, city-run vaccination sites for children will start on Thursday. Parents should talk to their local pediatrician about where to get their child vaccinated. Starting on November 6, Walgreens will begin offering Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine to children in thousands of stores nationwide. The federal vaccine finder website that helps people find vaccines near them hasn’t offered the pediatric vaccine yet, but it’s a good idea to keep checking it as another option to make an appointment for your child.

Should my child get vaccinated if they’ve already had COVID-19?

Yes. Young children who had COVID-19 should still get the vaccine, public health officials advise.

“We absolutely recommend that children, even children who have had the disease before, get vaccinated,” Walensky of the CDC said on Wednesday during a White House press briefing.

Does my child need parental consent to get vaccinated?

This is another question that has an answer dependent on your geographical location. Most likely, yes, but very few states and cities have exceptions. For example, Philadelphia allows minors age 11 and up to self-consent for the COVID-19 vaccine, according to data collected by the Kaiser Family Foundation, which has a list of the consent requirements listed by each state. As noted, most states allow certain groups of children — such as those who are emancipated or not living with a parent or guardian — to self-consent for medical services.

Do both parents need to be present?

No. Generally, either parent can give consent for a child to be vaccinated. However, this matter can be messy if the parents are divorced, as WebMD reported.


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