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Want to make a fresh and festive Thanksgiving dinner for $40? Here’s your menu

Last weekend, I stood on the second-floor balcony of Gene’s Sausage Shop and Delicatessen, a European-influenced market in Chicago’s Lincoln Square, sampling gin while peering into the fray below. It was Saturday afternoon, and the aisles were packed with people and with products — loaves of crusty bread and springy pretzel rolls, tidy rows of neon bottled limoncello, a dazzling array of sausages ranging in color from muted brown duck sausage to delicate pink pork to fire-red Spanish chorizo. 

Amid it all was a woman with whom I felt an immediate kinship. In her shopping basket was a notebook, a spreadsheet and a pocket calculator. As she made her way through the store, occasionally pushing wisps of sandy brown hair back up under a sunshine-colored toboggan, she’d grab an item, consult her spreadsheet and note the price. 

The shopper continued like this until her basket was filled with polenta, a hunk of good Parm, leafy escarole, a massive pork loin and miniature plastic sachets of herbs. On her way to check-out, she grabbed a few bottles of wine, some dried apricots, a bouquet of orange marigolds dotted with white miniature roses and a cheesecake. 

Related: 9 ideas for what to do with Thanksgiving leftovers, Salon-style

That, I thought, is definitely a woman preparing for a dinner party. 

For at least two decades, “effortless” has become the platonic ideal of entertaining. At the center of it all is the host or hostess with a certain “I just threw some things together” breeziness. But if the explosion of food media has shown us anything — with cookbooks and articles titled “Entertaining Made Easy” and “The Perfect ‘I’m Having People Over, No Big Deal’ Dinner Menu” — effortlessness is often a construct. 

Pulling off a celebratory meal for a group takes a fair amount of planning and time, especially if you’re on a budget. This is exceptionally true if it’s the holidays. 


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That’s why I was delighted to receive this question from a reader named Carl who lives in Austin: “Hi, Salon Food team! What Thanksgiving menu would you put together for a family of four for $40? What about $400?” 

So, I grabbed my notebook and pocket calculator — well, smartphone calculator app — and got to work. Let’s start with the $40 Thanksgiving

***

$40 Thanksgiving for four 

Not to brag, but I’m a master of cooking well on a budget. Need someone to zhush up 99-cent ramen noodles or a 45-cent bag of black beans? I’m your girl. (For more on this, check out this week’s edition of The Bite, the Salon Food newsletter, in which I discuss my “Great Pantry Clean Out.”)

In the case of cooking a budget Thanksgiving, the key question to ask yourself is this: What do I actually need to include so it feels like a holiday? The answer will vary depending on you and your family, of course, but for me that includes some kind of poultry and stuffing, a seasonal vegetable, sweet potatoes and cranberries. Everything else is gravy, pardon the pun. 

On that note: Do I like mashed potatoes and gravy? I love them, actually, but I guess I’ve lived in the south long enough that they’ve become a fixture on Sunday supper plates, so I don’t necessarily feel compelled to make room in the budget for them here. Rolls would be nice, but they’re similar enough to stuffing.

Game Hens with Cornbread Stuffing  ($14.63)

The thing about Thanksgiving is that you can end up blowing your entire budget on a turkey — especially if you go the never-frozen, heritage breed route, which we’ll discuss a little later in the $400 Thanksgiving menu. If you’re dedicated to serving it for Thanksgiving dinner, then there’s always the turkey breast route, which is cheaper than the full bird. However, I’m not a Thanksgiving purist, and when pricing poultry options, I was delighted to find a pair of frozen Cornish game hens for $9.22. Combined, they came out to two pounds, which is plenty of meat for a group of four, and I liked the presentation opportunities. 

After placing the hens in the refrigerator to thaw overnight, I began the stuffing-making process. Here, I reached for a shortcut that’s both a time and money-saver: Jiffy-brand cornbread mix. One 50-cent box, when mixed with an egg and a splash of milk, produces six large cornbread muffins. I baked those up, tore them into nice craggy pieces and let them rest on a baking sheet overnight. The next morning, I finished prep work for the dish.

To flavor the hens, we’re going to cover them with butter flavored with lemon zest, a few cloves of garlic and sage; the sage comes from a $1.99 fresh poultry herb blend, which many supermarkets sell this time of year. It comes packed with sage, rosemary and thyme. Reserve the latter two herbs for the stuffing. 

To make the flavored butter, grab a stick of unsalted butter and place 6 tablespoons in a blender or food processor. You’ll use the remaining 2 tablespoons for the stuffing. Toss in the zest of one whole lemon and the sage, and pulse until the butter is smooth and completely combined. After salting and peppering your hens, slather the mixture under the skin of the birds, making sure to really get into all the nooks and crannies. Place the hens in a large, prepared cast-iron skillet and set aside. 

Now for the stuffing: Place the cornbread pieces in a large bowl. Finely chop a shallot, a carrot, maybe another clove or two of garlic for good measure and the remaining rosemary and thyme. Add to the bowl of cornbread along with the remaining 2 tablespoons of butter, which have been melted. Stir to combine, and season with salt and pepper to taste. You can either divide the mixture among the two birds, filling the center cavities with stuffing, or simply arrange it around the game hens (I guess thus rendering it “dressing”). 

Here’s the cost breakdown

  • Pair of frozen Cornish game hens ($9.22) 
  • Jiffy-brand cornbread mix ($0.50) 
  • Shallot ($0.40)
  • Carrot ($0.15)
  • Garlic ($0.50)
  • Lemon ($0.89; reserve juice for vinaigrette)
  • Butter ($0.80) 
  • Egg ($0.13)
  • Milk ($0.05)
  • Poultry herb blend ($1.99)

Shaved Brussel Sprouts with Lemon Vinaigrette ($6.22)

One error I’ve committed when hosting Thanksgivings-past is putting out a spread of entirely brown dishes, with maybe a pop of  burnt-orange or red for good measure. Treat Thanksgiving like you would any dinner party, and include something bright and fresh for a little taste and textural contrast. In this case, I opted for a salad of shaved Brussels sprouts, dotted with delicate, fatty prosciutto and punchy crumbled white cheddar. 

Remember the lemon we zested for our cornish game hens? You’re going to use the juice from it to whip up a super simple vinaigrette by whisking it with some good olive oil and salt and pepper. 

The cost breakdown

  • Brussel sprouts ($2.99)   
  • Prosciutto ($1.89; 1 ounce)
  • White cheddar ($1.24; 2 ounces)
  • Olive oil ($0.50; 2 ounces) 

Twice-Baked Sweet Potato with Honey-Glazed Pecans ($6.61)

I love sweet potato casserole. There’s a weird, longstanding rift in my family that emerges every year over whether oatmeal belongs on it as a topping — but my mother votes “no” and opts for a spiced pecan crumble. I’m with her, so I made a version for a smaller crowd. 

Slice open the sweet potatoes and bake on 350 degrees until tender, about 45 minutes. Meanwhile, put 4 tablespoons of pecan pieces, 1 tablespoon of honey and the juice of one orange in a small saucepan. Stir over medium-low heat until the pecans are completely coated and the orange juice and honey mixture has reduced. Set aside. 

Remove the sweet potatoes from the oven, and carefully remove the flesh from the potatoes. Place the flesh in a large mixing bowl, and whip with 4 tablespoons of cream (you’ll use the rest in the cranberry trifle) before carefully spooning it back into the sweet potato skins. Divide the pecan mixture into four servings, and drizzle it over the potatoes. 

Place the potatoes back in the 350-degree oven for about 10 minutes and serve. 

The cost breakdown

  • Sweet potatoes ($2.96; 4 sweet potatoes) 
  • Heavy whipping cream ($1.99; 4 tablespoons)
  • Pecan pieces ($1)
  • Honey ($0.29)
  • Orange ($0.79; reserve zest for the trifle) 

Cranberry Trifle ($8.69)

This play on a trifle gets some major help from supermarket angel food cake. Slice it into several layers, and place it in a small trifle dish layered with a simple icing made with cream cheese, the remainder of the heavy whipping cream and a few teaspoons of powdered sugar and cranberry sauce made by reducing a pound of fresh cranberries, 1 cup of water and 1 tablespoon of water until thickened. Top the trifle with the zest of the orange leftover from the sweet potatoes. 

Here is the cost breakdown

  • Angel food cake ($3.99) 
  • Fresh cranberries ($2.50) 
  • Cream cheese ($1.89)
  • Honey ($0.29)
  • Powdered sugar ($0.02)

Sparkling Cider ($2.49)

Finally, sparkling cider is a celebratory beverage that’s great for toasting but won’t break your budget. If you feel like the meal needs alcohol to be complete (it doesn’t), someone will inevitably ask if they can bring something. Tell them to BYOB! 

Total cost: $38.64 

So, there you have it, folks: a festive, fresh Thanksgiving meal for four for less than $40! With a little planning, it’s totally doable. And, honestly, the planning is half the fun. To get the answer to the second part of Carl’s question — what would a menu for four for $400 look like? — be sure to sign up for “The Bite,” Salon Food’s weekly food newsletter.

If you have any Thanksgiving-themed questions, feel free to drop us a line at food@salon.com

More of our favorite holiday dishes: 

The latest viral trend taking over social media? Quitting your job

In one text, an employee tells their boss to mail them their final check. Someone else says they're simply never going back to work. Another tells their manager, with finality, to "Eat. My. Ass."

It's become a trend of sorts, as fed-up employees have taken to posting exasperated text exchanges with bosses online. They're usually workers in the service or hospitality industries, being asked to come in on their day off, or work 10 to 12 hour shifts, or even field calls at early-morning hours when people are normally, you know, sleeping.

These posts have been at turns decried, mocked, parodied and faked — but more than anything, this viral formula for online boss-bashing is proof that the U.S. has a labor problem. 

"There's a short-term story of what's happening post COVID," said Sylvia Allegretto, a labor economist and co-chair of the Center on Wage and Employment Dynamics. "But it's couched in the long-term story of what has happened over the last 40 years. People are saying enough is enough."

It makes sense — these conversations are only one part of what some are calling the Great Resignation. From a CNBC|Momentive Workforce survey, "Half of the nation's workers describe their workplaces as being understaffed,and they are the workers more likely to say they've recently thought about quitting." 

NPR found that more than 740,000 people who quit in April worked in the leisure and hospitality industry. A record 4.3 million people quit their jobs in August. With pandemic assistance stopping in many states and a major uptick in union organizing and strikes nationwide (not to mention over 700,000 dead, many of them infected at their place of work), the United States is in the middle of a radical shift in how many people are viewing their jobs. 


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For evidence, look no further than r/Antiwork, a subreddit dedicated to "those who want to end work, are curious about ending work, want to get the most out of a work-free life, want more information on anti-work ideas and want personal help with their own jobs/work-related struggles." 

The forum has exploded in popularity since the pandemic began. In threads that often go viral on Twitter and other platforms, workers post about rules they've been expected to follow — no water on the job, for instance — or post memes about their current predicaments. The community is supportive and encouraging of individualized action to change individual circumstances, and posters frequently report that they've recently quit an exploitative job. 

On one screed decrying excessive workplace surveillance, for example, the poster returned to update the group several hours later, writing "I QUIT. I wanted to quit when I wrote this post this morning." Others celebrated the person in congratulatory comments, and included their own instances of being denied water and other so-called "perks" at their jobs. On any given day, you can find dozens of other posts like this one. 

Allegretto adds that though it would be easy to mistake the viral posts on r/Antiwork for a short-lived online trend, the entire thing is part of a much larger problem that Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and other political progressives have taken to calling a crisis of "dignified work."

Much ink has been spilled over America's current "labor shortage" and how to fix it, but one undeniable positive for workers has been the increasing power it has given them. As President Joe Biden likes to remind reporters asking about the situation, wages are rising and overall household debt has fallen — clearly the pressure campaign to rectify 40 years of stagnating working conditions is working, to some extent. 

The ability to quit via viral Reddit thread is just one example of it.

"This movement is coming on the heels of some of the biggest mass movements that we've had in the country in decades," Allegretto told Salon.

"The quit rate is really high in some of our worst jobs, such as leisure and hospitality, restaurants, and bars, which makes sense because those jobs are some of the worst jobs to begin with. They're the lowest paying jobs. They have low to no benefits."

During the pandemic, businesses and the government proved that healthcare and benefits could be provided to workers: paid time off, hero pay, flex time for childcare. Now, employers and businesses are expecting workers to accept pre-pandemic working conditions again. Many aren't buying it.

"A lot of that support is gone, and the workers are saying, but wait a minute, that healthcare that I didn't have, in COVID that you helped me with, now I don't have it. I need it," Allegretto said. "That paid time off that you gave me to take care of my kids. Well, they still get sick. I still sometimes need to be home. I need it." 

Quit rates and nationwide union activity are connected as well — without a collective voice to improve their conditions, non-unionized workers are often left no choice other than walking away. And there's perhaps never been a better time to leave your job. 

Social media, while imperfect, can give those workers a voice that they previously did not have. Allegretto outlines three types of workers in our modern economy: union members who have muscle to flex, those who are desperate enough to stay in unhealthy work environments and, finally, quitters.

It's this last group that are finding themselves newly empowered to speak up online, thanks to current conditions.

In one popular post on r/Antiwork, one worker calls on others in the forum to start naming companies that they've said are exploitative. The comments are filled with workers naming other companies that have allegedly taken advantage of them.

"Name and shame!" one poster wrote, "They need us, and we don't need their Bullshit."

Instead of a passing trend, experts say viral boss-bashing is actually part of a larger shift in the culture of work — and don't expect the formula to become any less popular in the near future.

“Dexter: New Blood” is less of a revival than another stab at a satisfying closure

Part of Dexter Morgan hopes the world joins him in pretending that the last decade, and much of what came before it, never happened.

Clyde Phillips, the first showrunner to steer “Dexter” from the novels originating the character into a premium cable phenomenon, doesn’t have that luxury. His and Michael C. Hall’s return in “Dexter: New Blood” has no choice but to reconcile a terrible break-up between the character and their audience.

Phillips exited “Dexter” at the end of Season 4, long before the finale that is popularly thought of one of the worst ever. Our last view of Hall’s avenging serial killer placed him in Oregon, unleashing the inner predator he’s dubbed The Dark Passenger on . . . old growth forests.

Dexter Morgan met us as a forensics specialist with the Miami Police Department, a wolf hiding among bloodhounds he sated with a helpful attitude and daily donut deliveries. At that series’ close he abandoned his infant son Harrison with his serial murdering lover Hannah to live out his days as a lumberjack, taking chainsaws to lumber. By then the show had long lost the sharp edge that once made it unmissable.

RELATED: “Dexter” finally goes too far

Thinking back on it, his Pacific Northwest move mainly left me with a shrug. It wasn’t a satisfying ending, but it was one that could have remained undisturbed. Monsters gravitate towards the woods, after all. Choosing to vanish into one seems like a natural choice for a serial killer who’s been found out.

Still, long absences and an ocean of TV mediocrity has a way of casting past shows and their shortcomings in a rosier glow.

None of this means we needed “Dexter: New Blood,” but its announcement wasn’t met with resistance. We may not have been clamoring for it with the same molten passion fans poured into keeping hopes for a “Deadwood” revival alive, but it shares the air of unfinished business. The difference is that “Deadwood” didn’t have an ending until David Milch finally gifted the world with its closing chapter in 2019.

In contrast, many would agree that “Dexter” could use some version of a mulligan, even eight years after the 2013 finale.


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Knowing this new effort is helmed by Phillips, the man who produced the first show’s best seasons may be sufficient to instill confidence in any doubters.

Phillips gifted viewers with an incomparably taut season of TV before he left the show at the end of Season 4. This was the arc where Dexter pursued and evaded John Lithgow’s Trinity Killer only to pay a grave price for indulging his urge to take down a predator of predators.

“New Blood” doesn’t entirely ignore the subpar seasons that came after that, although the title hints at its driving premise.

All these years later, Dexter is concentrating on keeping his sociopathic predator locked down deep. He’s built a new life in Iron Lake, an upstate New York town where he goes by Jim Lindsay. Jim lives in a cabin on a lake, keeps a few goats and chickens, and works at the local outdoor sporting goods shop.

Never one to completely stay away from police business, Dexter – sorry, Jim – dates the local police chief Angela Bishop (Julia Jones). Above all he’s devoted to a routine, treating his murderous impulses like a substance addiction. And as addicts are prone to do, he slips . . . just in time for Harrison (Jack Alcott), who is now a teenager, to turn up in his life unannounced.

From there “New Blood” follows many of the original’s patterns with a few enhancements, none of them terribly daring.

Hall interprets Dexter’s new false identity as an opportunity to embrace some semblance of normalcy, injecting sanguine characteristics into his performance that his Miami persona lacked.

Maybe this is evidence that Dexter has, if not changed, at least learned from the past. Jim Lindsay isn’t entirely relaxed, but he slips into the community’s ecosystem without anyone registering him as overtly creepy. That tracks, since everybody there is nice and a little odd, including Angela’s fellow officer Logan (Alano Miller).

Phillips abandoned the other details that defined the original. Gone is the stylish opening credits sequence transforming Dexter’s morning ritual into a murder scene every week. His sarcastic voiceovers revealing his true thoughts are also missing; both omissions serve a purpose.

He’s still guided by imaginary conversations with a role model, but his supportive insights from his adoptive father Harry (James Remar) have been replaced by more punishing visitations from his sister Deb (Jennifer Carpenter ).

Harry held the role of Dexter’s guide and conscience. Deb is more of a torturer, threatening him with warnings about what could happen if he slips up or makes messy choices, and this show wouldn’t have any reason to exist if he didn’t.

“Dexter” dropped at the height of our fixation with antiheros, joining the ranks of Don Draper (“Mad Men”, Vic Mackey (“The Shield”), and Tommy Gavin (“Rescue Me”) and coinciding with the departure of Tony Soprano, the figure who started it all. He’s also the aughts versions of the serial killer boogeymen that proliferated in the ’90s after “The Silence of the Lambs” made Hannibal Lecter a critical favorite.

Even in a sea of terrible men lionized by our culture, Dexter Morgan stood out. The crux of his appeal is the character’s ability to channel his sociopathy into “The Code”: he’s a serial killer, but he only hunts those who are provably evil. He has a terrifying body count, having disappeared more than 100 people, but if he can’t find evidence of your egregious malice, you have no reason to fear him.

Applying the character’s duality and operating principles to modern definitions of good and evil could make for a fascinating update. But “Dexter: New Blood” can’t quite unstick itself from the past, in the same way that Dexter himself cannot fully shed the old skin of who he was.

Jim Lindsay really doesn’t want to kill anyone, but Dexter Morgan can never predict when or why his Dark Passenger will overcome his desires. Harrison’s arrival gives him a new reason to maintain his decade-long streak of being murder-free.

His son’s emotional distance also makes Dexter fear that Harrison has inherited his father’s destructive hunger – recalling, always, that both father and son were found in pools of their mother’s blood when they were infants.

Moral compasses are insufficient jailers because they malfunction all the time.

Just ask Joe Goldberg, the sociopath at the heart of “You” and the nearest inheritor to the legacy of “Dexter.” Joe is essentially the 2021 edition of Dexter Morgan except he was built without a code to keep his obsessions in check. Joe isn’t necessarily more appealing than his predecessor, and “You” at its best can’t hold a candle to the greatest seasons of “Dexter.”

But “You” and Joe tap into a sinister undercurrent of romanticized abuse and violence running through our culture. Joe is a bibliophile who believes in classic love stories. His hunt for love leads him to fixate on one woman, expecting her to live up to his impossible fantasy. When she inevitably falls short, he erases her and moves on.

Penn Badgley, who plays Joe, once gently confronted women online when they shared how much of a crush they developed on his character by reminding them that Joe is a murderer. What’s frightening is how pervasive that warped acceptance is. Not only is it directed toward fictional figures but real men with a reputation for violence.

Witness the continued success of Mel Gibson and Chris Brown or, most recently, the Insider report about Barstool Sports’ founder Dave Portnoy‘s history of subjecting young women to violent, traumatic sex acts. Each of these men have a reputation for being abusive misogynists, but the horrifying part is to witness people frame these acts of barbarity as entertainment or, worse, part of the attraction.

Portnoy’s combative trolling and tendency to unleash his devoted followers on women is central to his public image. And yet, as the Insider story indicates, “Young women tag him in provocative videos and photos in an attempt to get his attention.”

“You” and Joe are the distilled products of a misogynistic culture, creating a combination of attraction and revulsion in the audience – especially when he gets his wish and marries his match.

“Dexter” operates on a simpler framework, one from which “You” sprang and evolved. That makes it odd to see “New Blood” working with classic mechanics while letting subplots tied to current topics remain largely adjacent to his part of the action. Dexter Morgan was never expressly a white knight, but placing such a tight focus on his dilemmas without adequately integrating present concerns about crime and punishment is a missed opportunity, holding back the story’s transition from what was to what it could be.

Iron Lake also is home to several astronomically wealthy and entitled heels, including a domineering giant played by the always excellent Clancy Brown. It’s also a place where women go missing. Angela is at the center of that subplot, and has ties the local Seneca community whose members also have disappeared. These threads and Dexter’s are bound to tangle, but as it stands there are no hints that it’ll do so in a way that speaks broader message besides setting up what we hope will be a tense finish.

Little of that should get in the way of “Dexter: New Blood” capturing a new audience and reclaiming old fans discontented by where the original left us. Familiar habits are a comfort, even the bloody ones, which mean it’s probably sufficient that Dexter Morgan’s limited series misadventures are at least as entertaining and those driving better past arcs.

As to whether the story can maintain its edge through the finish, consider us wary.

“Dexter: New Blood” premieres Sunday at 9 p.m. on Showtime. Watch a trailer for it below, via YouTube.

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For forest blazes grown wilder, an alternative: The “good fire”

A forest fire may happen to a tree, but the reverse can also be true: A tree happens to a fire. A scientist would say that the Ponderosa pine, for instance, has adapted to fire: In other words, it has evolved to be especially cunning and seductive with the flames that help it survive.

This tree isn’t terribly picky about where it lives, populating mountains and valleys all over western North America, and often dominating the canopy of drier forests at middle elevations. As it grows, it tosses its bright-green needles, each about half a foot long, across the ground in layers, like straw, laying out the perfect bed for fire to run at its feet — fast and warm and light.

When flames do arrive, the Ponderosa shakes them off. It scatters pieces of its thick, cinnamon-colored bark, casting fire across the ground as if it were juggling lit torches. In this way, the Ponderosa pine simultaneously sheds its old skin while creating more space for itself and its future brood. After the fire, the exposed soil is open for new germination of seedlings.

At least, this is the situation the tree would choose if it were able. The Ponderosa has evolved for and adapted to fire. But it cannot handle too-hot fire any more than a human body can bathe in boiling water. And in the last several years, a lot of wildfire conditions have been too much for these pines.

So when Cody Desautel, the natural resources director for the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation in north-central Washington, left his office on the first Friday in October 2020 to survey the previous month’s run of colossal wildfires, he hoped at least some trees had survived. Desautel and his community have been especially skilled fire-tree matchmakers, deliberately lighting the kind of a fire a pine forest craves through a practice called prescribed burning, also known as “good fire.” And good fire actually helps protect forests, by giving trees like Ponderosas a sort of healthy pruning that allows them to survive a future blaze better, while reducing the amount of fuel and brush available to power a wildfire.

Colville lies in mountainous Ponderosa pine and sagebrush country. The reservation land is, at 1.4 million acres, nearly twice the size of Rhode Island and home to about 4,000 tribal members. Those residents belong to 12 Indigenous tribes whose traditional territories spread across the northwestern U.S. and western Canada. Desautel, whose family comes from the Lakes Tribe, also known as the Sinixt, started his career as a firefighter, and he’s spent the last 20-plus years trying to manage a sort of tree-fire-human balance in these mountains. Over that time, Colville has restored about 200,000 acres of forest to healthier conditions, and one of the foresters’ most important strategies is deliberate fire-setting. The practice dates back centuries among Indigenous communities, such as the ones that make up Colville, and is also carried out on a somewhat limited scale in the West by state and federal land management agencies— and occasionally by private landowners.

But most fire management in the U.S. is devoted to putting fires out, not setting them intentionally. In their early histories, U.S. federal agencies were resistant to and even disdainful of prescribed burning. Now, although the value of prescribed fire is accepted at least among many scientists and forestry experts, it’s been difficult to get funding for the practice, to overcome negative public perceptions of smoke and flames, and to leap legal hurdles that get in the way.

As climate change stokes hotter, more fire-prone conditions across the West — and in the aftermath of two catastrophic fire seasons, first in 2020, and then again this year — prescribed burning has received heightened attention as a possible way to lessen the threat. Some policymakers, including Sens. Ron Wyden of Oregon, Maria Cantwell of Washington, Dianne Feinstein of California, and Rep. Mike Simpson of Idaho, are even trying to advance legislation that would allow for more prescribed fire. Yet in practice, officials, landowners, and members of the public can get squeamish about implementing “good fire.” In the spring of 2020, for instance, the U.S. Forest Service temporarily halted prescribed burning in Oregon, Washington, and California because of concerns about COVID-19 and the respiratory impacts of smoke.

Then came another season of extreme fire. The record-breaking heat and hurricane-force winds of summer 2020 stirred up some of the worst firestorms the West had experienced in more than a century, destroying thousands of homes and burning millions of acres. By early September that year, large areas of the Colville Reservation had gone up in flames, and 81 houses burned down on tribal land — scenes in a monumental catastrophe that reached into Oregon and California as well.

The reservation became part of a national news story about the tragedy of fire. But that story glossed over some of the fine details — the things a pine tree might pay attention to. And it’s here, at the scale of a stand of trees, that the evidence for prescribed burning may be clearest.

About a month after the September 2020 wildfires, Desautel decided to visit some stands of trees about 50 miles east of his office near Inchelium, the tiny unincorporated community on the Columbia River where he grew up. Here, during the same run of fire, the eponymous Inchelium Complex Fire had flamed across 19,000 acres and damaged more than a dozen buildings. He had witnessed it first-hand. He took a crew out during the throes of it and directed them to carve fire breaks around houses with a bulldozer. “It was about as busy a 28-hour shift as I’ve been on,” he said afterward. “But the good news was we saved a lot of houses.”

He suspected there was still more good news to be found within the Inchelium’s fire scars. Inside those scars lay a prescribed burn Desautel had done nearly 20 years previously, as part of a crew that set fire to about 1,000 acres of mostly Ponderosa pine forest.

He turned his pickup truck from the pavement onto the dirt and gravel road that led into the forest and headed into the burned landscape.

***

It’s hard for most people to picture a good fire, because most have never seen one. Before Europeans settled the West, the Indigenous people of North America wielded fire as part of a calculated strategy to manage grasslands and forests, enhance habitat for wildlife, and clear land for foods like camas, a bulb consumed as a staple across large areas of the Northwest. But in the 20th century, the U.S. Forest Service undertook a massive national campaign to fight wildfires with federal funding and, in some cases, military support. By 1935, the agency’s official stated goal was to extinguish every wildfire by 10 a.m. the day after it began. The “Ten A.M. Policy” was often impossible, but it set the tone for America’s approach to wildfire and later for the advent in the 1940s of Smokey Bear, the cartoon character in a ranger hat whose main message was to put out campfires.

As cute as Smokey was, some ecologists now feel that he taught the public too well to fear all fire and its consequences. It wasn’t until the latter half of the 20th century that many forestry experts, including those within the Forest Service, began questioning the errors of decades past — and accepted that a forest could not be managed without fire. But prescribed fire has never had the level of attention, funding, and public acceptance that firefighting enjoys; and burning has never caught up with decades of policies to extinguish wildfires.

At the same time, public understanding of fire has never fully caught up with the science and tradition of prescribed burning. Still, there’s a broad and growing consensus in the scientific literature that prescribed fire could make some wildfires less destructive and more manageable, says Susan Prichard, a fire ecologist at the University of Washington. Prichard — who also studies Ponderosa pine forests, and who has described, in scientific terms, how trees and plants can happen to wildfire — says that communities in fire-prone ecosystems need to “embrace fire and not try to put a wall up and avoid all fires in the future.” Prescribed fire is one way to do this. Moreover, if enough low-intensity fires were allowed to burn not just in tiny, isolated patches but across a significant area, the strategy could be especially useful.

Over the past 14 years, Prichard has collaborated with colleagues at the University of Washington and scientists with the Forest Service to run a series of studies based on the 2006 Tripod Complex Fire — which roasted 175,000 acres in an area covered with high-elevation forests of lodgepole pine and subalpine fir, and stands of Ponderosas, all of which included areas of old growth. (The Tripod Fire remains one of the largest Washington state has ever seen.) Relying on both field research and satellite imagery, the researchers found that forest areas that had seen prescribed burns in the decade before the Tripod struck had much higher rates of tree survival than areas that had been left alone.

But in the West, it can be difficult to find large-scale landscapes that have experienced good fire, or even moderate fire, at the same frequency they would have historically, before so many wildfires were fought and suppressed. So in another ongoing study, Prichard has been creating simulations to model what would have happened if the Tripod had ignited across a landscape that had witnessed many more small fires in the years before.

Prichard has watched an encouraging pattern emerge. Instead of flaming hot across the entire place, the hypothetical Tripod — traveling through a landscape that had not known many past fires — might have burned in a sort of patchwork pattern, high-intensity in some places and lower in others. The real-life Tripod Complex Fire destroyed large swaths of lynx habitat in north-central Washington. But the simulated fire left some of that habitat intact. While this model is based on lightning-caused fires, it’s not hard to extrapolate to prescribed fire, which would have a similar impact if applied across a large area.

Managing fire this way could also give firefighters a better handle on controlling a blaze near houses and communities. A recent study that examined the Lassen Volcanic National Park in California suggests that prescribed fire may actually help complement firefighting efforts, making it easier to protect a forested landscape.

But in the West prescribed fires have mostly been small and limited, and 21st-century fires are becoming vast, hot, and difficult to stop. Still, there are clear cases where a prescribed fire has helped change the course of a severe wildfire.

***

In 2015, Washington state experienced one of its worst wildfire seasons on record. In the north-central part of the state, the Okanogan Complex and Tunk Block Fires destroyed houses and terrorized a series of small rural communities both on and near the western side of Colville Reservation. That same season, the North Star Fire burned across the east side of the reservation. All three were megafires, defined by some sources as anything larger than 100,000 acres.

At points along its path, the Okanogan Complex met up with some forest treated with prescribed burning. Not all of the results of these meetings were well-documented, and certainly, good fire didn’t stop the wildfire: Firefighters couldn’t contain the latter until about a month after it began. But in some places, such as within the 14,000-acre Sinlahekin Wildlife Area, land managers were able to watch as good fire altered the impact and forcefulness of the wildfire on the landscape. This became like an unofficial experiment that now helps illuminate how prescribed fire might lessen the damage of a modern-day wildfire.

The Sinlahekin’s prescribed fire program began in the 2000s, when Dale Swedberg, a wildlife biologist who was then overseeing this landscape, began to suspect that fire should have a larger role in its management. The longer he worked at the wildlife area, the more evidence he gathered, eventually collaborating with a fire ecologist and research team to reconstruct the fire history of the Sinlahekin Valley by taking samples from fire-scarred trees, stumps, and logs, mostly from Ponderosa pines and some Douglas firs. From the tree rings, they learned that, prior to the 20th century, the Sinlahekin’s past fires were frequent; any one spot might have burned every five to 15 years. After years of gathering data, Swedberg and his team inferred that humans set many of the fires, since lightning would probably not have come often enough to explain them.

At the same time that this research was unfolding, Swedberg decided he would start conducting prescribed burns inside the wildlife area, and in 2005, he undertook the first. He had to leap over various bureaucratic and regulatory hurdles, especially those imposed by the state. “It was a battle royale,” he recalled later. But that fall the state provided a fire crew to burn an area near a lake. It didn’t go as he hoped. “It was one of the worst prescribed burn implementations I’ve seen,” he says. The crew was inexperienced with controlled burns, and the built-up vegetation generated a huge amount of smoke, drawing complaints from local hunters.

But in 2010, Swedberg hired a burn boss — responsible for planning and overseeing prescribed fires — who knew fire like an art form. Prescribed fire is sometimes called controlled fire, and a skilled burn boss knows how to both tame and manage flames and smoke. First, the burn crew draws a line around where the fire will be set to mark where the flames will be held off — either by wetting the ground or by digging down to mineral soil, often by hand with a tool called a Rhino, which resembles a curved hoe. Then they use a tool called a drip torch — which looks a bit like a gasoline can, but with drops of pre-lit fuel emerging from its tip — to dribble bits of fire in a line across the landscape. The flames are lit in small strips, usually opposite from the direction that the fire would want to travel. In other words, if a crew is burning on a slope, they would terrace the fire down the hill, since fire likes to travel up. They would burn against and not with the wind. An expert burn boss would study the terrain, the fuel, and the weather, and be able to turn the flame lengths and the heat up and down by adjusting the size and orientation of the strips. The flames can even be directed, to some degree, to protect certain parts of the land, avoid an old standing tree snag that woodpeckers like, clear away parasitic mistletoe, and kill off weeds.

If an area hasn’t seen fire in decades, sometimes it’s necessary to run the process in two steps. The first is selective thinning — logging and clearing brush to give the remaining trees healthy space — but here done artfully again, taking out certain species, such as Douglas fir, that aren’t as well adapted to a fire-prone landscape.

In 2013, Swedberg took a new role overseeing four wildlife areas in the same region (the Sinlahekin and three others), and he and his crews were able to run prescribed burns in two of them. Each burn was carefully planned and documented, with a detailed set of goals. (“Retain 90 percent of legacy Ponderosa pine trees,” read one burn plan from 2013. Also: “Maintain an average of 2-foot to 6-foot flame lengths.”)

The land responded. After a fire, snowbush, elderberry trees, currant bushes, cottonwoods, willow, and ocean spray regrew with gusto. The Ponderosa pines seemed especially content, thickening their trunks — the new bark forming reddish stretch marks between the old blackened skin.

Swedberg says he began to think of the land as thirsty for fire — a provocative if paradoxical metaphor. If fire were a kind of sustenance, the land craved it, almost as much as it craved water in a drought. He thought of an uncontrolled fire — especially a wildfire that was so severe that it couldn’t be tamed by firefighters — as a “feral fire,” a fire gone rogue. By failing to set strategic prescribed fires, Swedberg adds, people had allowed feral fires to become epidemic across the West.

In 2015 when one piece of the Okanogan Complex called the Lime Belt Fire burned into Sinlahekin, the wildlife area served as a sort of proving ground.

It burned from south to north through the refuge, making runs, embers spotting and tumbling down the dry grassy slopes into the draws and woods, then lighting flames that ran back up in a sort of zigzag pattern.

But around Blue Lake, a body of water at the center of the wildlife area, Swedberg and his crew had done a series of prescribed burns two years earlier. And it worked: “When the fire came through it was really pushing hard,” Swedberg recalls. But the feral fire couldn’t sustain itself. The old prescribed fires had already protected the wood around the lake.

Nearby, another area had seen prescribed fire twice in the past decade — in 2005 and 2014. Swedberg knew where the edge of that burn was, a line the crew had dug in the ground by hand. And the wildfire seemed also to know that a barrier lay here, he says. It would burn up to the line and stop. In some places it crossed the line, but then, he adds, “kind of meandered, skunked around and really didn’t do anything.” After, on the side that had never seen prescribed fire, “it was just black, completely, utterly black, burned really hot.” And the other side looked as if had barely been touched. Swedberg watched and took videos. I was getting pretty cocky at that point,” he says. “I started calling it the ‘I-Told-You-So Fire.'”

Eventually, the fire was contained enough that Swedberg, three other people, and two fire engines beat back the fire and stopped it from advancing further north. It had burned about 7,000 acres, nearly half of the Sinlahekin.

In an official report in 2017, the Washington Department of Fish and Wildlife concluded that, while the prescribed fire didn’t halt the larger Okanogan Complex megafire, it had reduced its impact. To Swedberg, who had retired by that point, this was worth a great deal.

“People need to accept the fact that no fire is not an option,” he says now. “Period.”

***

Among the Colville tribes, Desautel says the intricate details of traditional burning are no longer as well-known as they used to be. “My great grandmother said that when she was young — that would have been like the late 1800s — there was nowhere on the reservation you couldn’t have a horse and carriage go through,” he says. The forests were open and full of Ponderosa pines, with the trees spaced far apart — a set of conditions that were almost certainly created by fire. But “it would have been probably three generations before me that would have just burned the landscape for ecological benefits,” he reflects. “I’m sure they had a much better sense of how and when to burn.”

Still, a familiarity with fire has always been part of this community. When Desautel was old enough to have a reasonable awareness of his surroundings and a sense of caution, his family began letting him — under adult supervision — wield flames himself. He would set fire to dry grass — watching the short flames trail along the ground and the grass-smoke rise — but only in certain places where the trees were tall and well-spaced, the brush not undergrown, and the conditions not too dangerous. Throughout his childhood, setting fire to the ground was a spring pastime for adults. “There would be a lot of smoke in the spring,” he said. “You would drive down the road and see a lot of burned areas, largely fields.” Some place names on the reservation even refer to fire: Near Inchelium lies Smoke Ranch, so nicknamed, he adds, “because they burned it every single year.”

But by the time Desautel began his career in forestry in the late 1990s, there were numerous regulations to follow from the Bureau of Indian Affairs, plans to be approved, and people to notify before beginning any kind of burn. Population in the region was growing, and nearby communities were not necessarily accepting of smoke and flames from their neighbors. While a wildfire is more dangerous than a prescribed fire, burn bosses often have more legal liability for the former than firefighters do for the latter in many states. (In Washington, however, the state legislature passed a law in 2018 restricting courts from holding a prescribed burn manager liable for anything short of “gross negligence or willful or wanton misconduct.”)

Still, the Colville community knew fire could protect forests, and Desautel would make it his business to wield fire.

In the early 2000s, after college, he started working full time for the tribe’s forestry program in various capacities. One of his roles during that time involved scouting out the places on the reservation that might be especially fire-prone and making a plan to burn them deliberately to improve the health of the trees. The tribe ran prescribed burns at multiple elevations along the Kettle Range, on flat and sloping land, near major roads, and deep into the forests and mountains.

Contemporary prescribed burns on reservation land are infused with practices developed or reconstructed by forest scientists over the past several decades, but these fit relatively neatly both with Desautel’s fire-friendly upbringing and his academic training in environmental science from Haskell Indian Nations University in Lawrence, Kansas. By the early 2000s, there were already numerous studies on the efficacy of prescribed fire.

Desautel or his colleagues would write detailed burn plans and he occasionally served as burn boss. The crew would start in the morning, suited up in fire-resistant clothing and hard hats, and build a fire line. There could be a few or a couple of dozen people working with Desautel, some carrying drip torches to light the flames. On difficult terrain, they might even ignite from a helicopter by dropping ping-pong-sized balls of fire starter onto the land.

Another crew would stay at the far edge with an engine, ready to extinguish the fire if it got out of control. The plans contained contingencies in case something went wrong. If the winds were too strong or the conditions too troublesome, the burn was cancelled. There was smoke, but nothing as intolerable as that from a severe wildfire. And they would notify the community so that, if they saw smoke, they wouldn’t worry that a wildfire was headed their way.

A burn crew can of course make a dangerous mistake. (In 2012, an escaped burn in Colorado destroyed more than 20 homes and killed three people.) On the Colville Reservation about 15 years ago, according to Desautel, an inexperienced burn boss accidentally set fire to someone’s vacation home — a costly and embarrassing, though not fatal error. And it was not as difficult a blow to the community as a severe wildfire, not nearly so.

Even before Desautel took over the management of Colville’s natural resources program in 2014, he knew how much the community’s economy and safety depended on prescribed fires. That year, another megafire in the Okanogan region called the Carlton Complex burned down more than 300 houses and galloped across more than 250,000 acres. Then the 2015 wildfires consumed roughly a dozen houses on the reservation, along with valuable timber and places where Colville members hunted and gathered wild plants.

An outsider might think that Colville’s prescribed fire efforts hadn’t worked because it did not stop these flames. But Desautel feels certain that the years of forest restoration efforts protected his community from far worse. For instance, he used satellite data to run an informal comparison of the impacts of the 2015 North Star Fire on reservation forest with comparable stands of trees that burned on Forest Service land in another fire that year called the Stickpin. On many parts of tribal land, most of the trees in the overstory survived. On the Forest Service areas, he found, nearly all of the trees died. A wildfire that does less damage to a forest may also be easier to fight and suppress and, therefore, less likely burn out of control in a community or a residential area.

Even six years later, after the reservation has experienced more runs of destructive wildfire, Desautel thinks prescribed burning has insulated his community somewhat. “I think we saw the potential for a Paradise-type scenario,” he says, referring to the 2018 Camp Fire that destroyed more than 11,000 homes in and around the community of Paradise, California. “A lot of our management approach is, how do you have fire and have something left to work with?” he says. “Because we know it’s all going to burn. It’s just a matter of when.”

***

When Desautel drove down the gravel road in October 2020, through the fire scars near Inchelium, he could see that many of the Ponderosa pines hadn’t gotten what they needed. There were areas of destruction — unmanaged stands that hadn’t met a good fire in decades. In naiveté, some of these trees had grown with their lower limbs spread out, creating “ladder fuels,” which make it possible for the wildfire to climb up them. The forest had become dense, with trees close together, which also made it an easier target for the wildfire. A Ponderosa pine can tolerate a lot of heat and flame. This wildfire, though, was too much. Most of the pines were black and dead.

But when his truck reached the area that seen prescribed fire two decades previously, he was pleased with what he saw. As hot and dry and ferocious as this fire had been, it had barely touched this place. Instead it had slunk down low, creeping along the ground, eating up an old snag, leaving nearly the entire canopy of pines intact as if nothing had ever happened. The good fire, it appeared, had been like an inoculation against the wildfire.

In an era of climate change, it’s not clear whether prescribed burning efforts will keep up with the mounting risk — whether forests can be protected and communities near wildlands will remain safe and livable. Prichard and her colleagues argue that forest management, including prescribed burning, could be done strategically — to target areas most at risk. But some land managers and policymakers continue to hedge on the subject. Recently, California Governor Gavin Newsom expressed some reluctance about the safety of prescribed fire. In May of this year, the Department of Agriculture released a report that called for more prescribed fire, but a few months later, the Forest Service declared that it would widely abandon the practice in order to prioritize fire suppression in the 2021 season — a move that prompted dozens of scientists, including Prichard, to urge the agency to reconsider. It seems that land agencies aren’t clear whether they are willing to commit to an ambitious-enough level of prescribed burning.

Meanwhile, many models predict that wildfires may keep getting more intense, larger, and more frequent. In 2021, the Colville Reservation had another run of severe wildfires that forced the evacuation of Nespelem, where Desautel’s office is based, and sent him back into the field to support the firefighting crews.

But Desautel, and many other foresters and ecologists, say prescribed fire could still help a great deal. He says it will also become essential to know when to fight fire and when to let it burn — allowing another kind of fire sometimes called managed wildfire, in which nature does the work of burning and people simply try to keep the fire contained. All of this may require a large-scale cultural change — far beyond the borders of the reservation — a new sense of what it means to live with fire.

Whenever Desautel runs into elders and “old timers,” he says he is reminded how much the past still offers up lessons about the future. He says his uncles tell him, “You’re just setting us up for the big one if you guys don’t go out there and burn that stuff.”

“I have a hard time explaining to them why we don’t,” he reflects. Older generations on the reservation don’t always understand the political barriers that Desautel must cope with.

“Back then they could just burn wherever they wanted,” he says, “and there were no rules against it really.”

# # #

This article was originally published on Undark. Read the original article.

Infinite economic growth caused the environmental crisis. Degrowth will help us fix it

The COP26 climate summit in Glasgow has revealed how limited we are in how we think about solutions to the climate emergency. Much of the discussion revolved around countries pledging to lower their carbon emissions, but there was less focus on how this might be achieved. Many world leaders seem to think that technological innovation and green growth will take care of the problem. But this is a misguided assumption.

Infinite growth on a finite planet is nonsense. Even “green” growth relies on continued extraction of natural resources — and is fundamentally at odds with the idea of environmental sustainability. While some economists believe that we can “decouple” growth from our dependence on extraction, real-world data does not bear this out. In fact, what we see are ever-increasing amounts of materials being extracted from the Earth even as our society has embraced supposedly more environment-friendly policies.

The climate crisis does not call for continued growth. It calls for degrowth.

What does that mean exactly? Well, different people mean slightly different things when they talk about “degrowth.” But what most definitions have in common is a recognition of the limits of our planet, and a corresponding slowdown in resource extraction, and therefore also in some areas of production and consumption. Unlike a recession, degrowth is intentional and planned.

For obvious reasons, many might find the word scary. Does degrowth mean that our quality of life has to dramatically decline? Would it require us to abandon a market-based economy that cherishes competition in favor of some kind of a dystopian government-controlled future? Isn’t it just a naive, radical idea doomed to fail?

The answer to all these questions is no. Degrowth does not spell a decline in quality of life. While it would mean a decline in the production of the most polluting products in parts of the world with unsustainably high levels of consumption, the most drastic effects would be felt only by the very richest people, because it is the very richest people whose consumption disproportionately contributes to environmental degradation. It is also important to keep in mind that consuming more does not necessarily mean greater quality of life. Indeed, consuming too much can be very detrimental to human welfare.

The point of degrowth is not necessarily to shrink the size of our economy but to lower our dependence on environmentally unsustainable processes of extraction and production. Different sectors of the economy have different environmental impacts, and it is the sectors that are the most polluting that need to degrow, not necessarily the economy as a whole. A carbon tax, for example, can lead to degrowth if it helps shrink the most carbon-heavy sectors of our economy while boosting economic activity in areas that are less dependent on continued extraction—for example the caring industries like education and healthcare.

So isn’t degrowth, then, simply just another word for decarbonization, something that our political leaders have already embraced? There is an important distinction between the two. Those calling for decarbonization have a very narrow aim of lowering carbon emissions, and do not necessarily care about the collateral damage this might unleash on the environment. Other unfolding environmental crises, such as the loss of biodiversity, are not only caused by climate change but by myriad other impacts of human activity. The way we are going about decarbonization might be in fact exacerbating some of these other crises. Degrowth supporters point to the need to rethink fundamentally what we consider to be a healthy economy. Decarbonization, as it is being discussed by world leaders, has become a largely technical issue, while degrowth calls for a more fundamental political and cultural shift.

Degrowth has not yet gained the traction it deserves in the conversation about the climate emergency and other environmental crises. This is perhaps not surprising in a world that is obsessed with continued growth. In order for the idea of degrowth to become more central to our society’s response to the environmental crisis, we need to re-imagine our relationship with our planet. Seeing ourselves as stewards, rather than masters, of nature and recognizing the right of future generations to live on a living, not dying, planet, will help us get there. Our political leaders will only recognize the common sense of degrowth when departing from the dogma of infinite growth would no longer mean political suicide for them. Let’s help them get there.


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“SNL” has a new Donald Trump impression

“Saturday Night Live” has a new Donald Trump impression.

This time, it’s new cast member James Austin Johnson taking the reins after his much-lauded impersonation of the ex-commander-in-chief went viral several times on Twitter.

For his first go-around, Johnson stole the segment, appearing as Trump alongside Cecily Strong, playing the role of Fox News host Jeanine Pirro as she hosted her show, “Justice with Judge Jeanine.”

The wide-ranging cold open started with an appearance from Green Bay Packers quarterback Aaron Rodgers, played by Pete Davidson, as he attempts to navigate his recent “cancellation” for not getting vaccinated and then misleading the public about his status. 

“It’s my body and my COVID,” Davidson says, “And I can give it to whoever I want.”


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Virginia governor-elect Glenn Youngkin, played by Alex Moffat, then takes the hot seat. Pirro asks what “critical race theory” is — something Youngkin says doesn’t matter. “It’s what got me elected.”

“I’m so grateful to parents like Helen who helped me win in Virginia without the help of Donald Trump,” Youngkin adds, making light of the fact that he tried for months to distance himself from the former president.

“Funny you should mention him,” Pirro interjects, “Because he’s been watching and he just asked to join us.”

Johnson, as Trump, goes on to congratulate himself for Tuesday’s victory, saying “we did it together” — a comment that appears to make Youngkin squirm. 

RELATED: Trump vs. “SNL”: A political comedy Americans are actually watching

“Oh, you don’t have to say that,” the newly elected Virginia governor says.

From there, the former president goes on several seemingly unrelated rants about Chris Pratt playing the Nintendo character Mario, Dune, Santa Claus and Game of Thrones, among other things.

Watch below via YouTube:

“It is over”: Chris Christie tells GOP donors to move on from Trump’s election lies

Former Republican New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie had some choice words for Donald Trump and the rest of his party’s election conspiracy dead-enders this weekend, telling donors during a speech that Tuesday’s better-than-expected election results showed definitively that it was time to move on from the past.

He made the comments at the Republican Jewish Coalition conference in Las Vegas, an influential gathering of some of the biggest GOP donors, according to CNN

“We can no longer talk about the past and the past elections — no matter where you stand on that issue, no matter where you stand, it is over,” Christie said. “Every minute that we spend talking about 2020 — while we’re wasting time doing that, Joe Biden, Kamala Harris, Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer are laying ruin to this country. We better focus on that and take our eyes off the rearview mirror and start looking through the windshield again.”

Christie argued at length that the reason for Virginia Gov.-elect Glenn Youngkin’s victory — and a close defeat for Republican nominee Jack Ciattarelli in his hime state of New Jersey — was their decision to hold Trump at arms length for the majority of the campaign. 


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“People want us to be direct with them. They want someone to fight for them. But they want them to fight in a way that doesn’t hurt their ears,” Christie said. “We have to speak to their dreams, their hopes, their aspirations for the future. If we don’t do that, then we won’t once again win back the votes that we began to win back in Virginia and New Jersey last Tuesday night.”

In a subsequent interview with CNN, Christie also teased his own 2024 presidential ambitions, telling reporters that he plans to make his decision about whether to run after the 2022 midterms. 

Unlike many of his colleagues, however, he refused to promise that he would step aside if Trump tried to run again.

“Absolutely not. My decision will never be based on anybody else’s candidacy,” Christie said. “It will be based on whether I believe I have the talent, the skill and the ability to be able to win.”

More on the potential 2024 race:

Recurring nightmares: How the American coup attempt summoned memories of another

As an eyewitness, I can recall the events of Jan. 6 in Washington as if they were yesterday. The crowds of angry loyalists storming the building while overwhelmed security guards gave way. The slavishly loyal vice president who would, the president hoped, restore him to power. The crush of media that seemed confused, almost overwhelmed, by the crowd's fury. The waiter who announced that the bar had run out of drinks and would soon be closing …

Hold it! My old memory's playing tricks on me again. That wasn't the U.S. Capitol in January 2021. That was the Manila Hotel in the Philippines in July 1986. Still, the two events had enough similarities that perhaps I could be forgiven for mixing them up.

I've studied quite a number of coups in my day, yet the one I actually witnessed at the Manila Hotel remains my favorite, not just because the drinks kept coming, but for all it taught me about the damage a coup d'état, particularly a political coup, can do to any democracy. In February 1986, a million Filipinos thronged the streets of Manila to force dictator Ferdinand Marcos into exile. After long years of his corruption and callous indifference to the nation's suffering, the crowds cheered their approval when Marcos finally flew off to Hawaii and his opponent in the recent presidential election restored democracy.

But Marcos had his hardcore loyalists. One Sunday afternoon, four months after his flight, they massed in a Manila park to call for the restoration of their beloved president. After speakers had whipped the crowd of 5,000 into a frenzy with — and yes, this should indeed sound familiar in 2021 — claims about a stolen election, thousands of ordinary Filipinos pushed past security guards and stormed into the nearby Manila Hotel, a storied symbol of their country's history. Tipped off by one of the Filipino colonels plotting that coup, I was standing in the hotel's entryway at 5 p.m. as the mob, fury written on their faces, surged past me.

RELATED: Now the GOP has a coup plan — and Steve Bannon's ready to put boots on the ground

For the next 24 hours, that hotel's marbled lobby became the stage for an instructive political drama. From my table at the adjoining bar, I watched as armed warlords, ousted Marcos cronies and several hundred disgruntled soldiers paraded through the lobby on their way to the luxury suites where the coup commanders had checked themselves in. Following in their wake were spies from every nation — Australian secret intelligence, American defense intelligence, and their Asian and European counterparts — themselves huddled in groups, whispering mysteriously, trying (just like me) to make sense of the bizarre spectacle unfolding around them.  

Later that same evening, Marcos' former vice-president, the ever-loyal Arturo Tolentino, appeared at the head of the stairs flanked by a security detail to announce the formation of a "legitimate" new government authorized by Marcos, who had reportedly called long-distance from Honolulu. As the vice president proclaimed himself acting president and read off the names of those to be in his cabinet, Filipino journalists huddling nearby scribbled notes. They were furiously trying to figure out whether there was a real coalition forming that could topple the country's democracy. It was, however, just the usual suspects — Marcos cronies, leaders largely without followers.

By midnight, the party was pretty much over. Our waiter, after struggling for hours to maintain that famed hotel's standard of five-star service, apologized to our table of foreign correspondents because the bar had been drunk dry and was closing. Sometime before dawn, the hotel turned off the air conditioning, transforming those executive suites into saunas and, in the process, flushing out the coup plotters, their hangers-on and most of the soldiers.


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All day long, on the city's brassy talk-radio stations and in the coffee shops where insiders gathered to swap scuttlebutt, Marcos' loyalists were roasted, even mocked. The troops that had rallied to his side were sentenced to 30 push-ups on the parade ground — a source of more mirth. For spies and correspondents alike, the whole thing seemed like a one-day wonder, barely worth writing home about.

But it wasn't. Not by a long shot. A coterie of colonels deep inside the Defense Ministry, my source among them, had observed that comedic coup attempt all too carefully and concluded that it had actually been a near-miss.

A year later, I found myself standing in the middle of an eight-lane highway outside the city's main military cantonment, Camp Aguinaldo, ducking bullets from rebel soldiers who had seized the base and watching as government Marines and dive bombers attacked. This time, however, those colonels had launched a genuine coup attempt. No drinks. No waiters. No wisecracks. Just a day of bombs and bullets that crushed the plotters, leaving the country's military headquarters a smoking ruin.

Two years later, the same coup colonels were back again for another attempt, leading 3,000 rebel troops in a multipronged attack on a capital that trembled on the brink of surrender. As a cavalcade of rebel armor drove relentlessly toward the presidential palace with nothing in their way, American President George H.W. Bush took a call aboard Air Force One over the Atlantic about a desperate request from his Philippine counterpart and ordered a pair of U.S. Air Force jet fighters to make a low pass over the rebel tanks and trucks. They got the message: Turn back or be bombed into extinction. And so Philippine democracy was allowed to survive for another 30 years.

Message from the Manila Hotel

The message for democracy offered from the Manila Hotel was clear — so clear, in fact, that it helps explain the meaning of tangled events in Washington more than 30 years later. Whether it's a poor country like the Philippines or a superpower like the United States, democracy is a surprisingly fragile construct. Its worst enemy is often an ousted ex-president, angry over his humiliation and perfectly willing to destroy the constitutional order to regain power.

No matter how angry such an ex-president might be, however, his urge for a political coup can't succeed without the help of raw force, whether from a mob, a disgruntled military or some combination of the two. The Manila Hotel coup teaches us one other fundamental thing: that coups need not be carefully planned. Most start with a handful of conspirators plotting some symbolic attack meant to shake the constitutional order, while hoping to somehow stall the security services for a few critical hours — just long enough for events to cascade spontaneously into a desired government collapse.

Whether in Manila or Washington, coup plotting usually starts right at the top. Just after the news networks announced that he had lost the election last November, Donald Trump launched a media blitz with spurious claims of "fraud on the American public," firing off 300 tweets in the next two weeks loaded with false charges of irregularities and sparking loud, long protests by his loyalists at vote-counting centers in Michigan and Arizona.

When that response got little traction and Biden's majority kept climbing, Trump began exploring three alternate routes, any of which might have led to a constitutional coup — manipulating the Justice Department to delegitimize the election, rigging the ratification of electoral votes in Congress and the paramilitary (or military) option. At a White House meeting on Dec. 18, Michael Flynn, Trump's former national security adviser, urged the president to "invoke martial law as part of his efforts to overturn the election" and accused his staff of "abandoning the president," sparking "screaming matches" in the Oval Office.

By Jan. 3, rumors and reports of Trump's military option were circulating so credibly around Washington that all 10 living former defense secretaries — Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and Mark Esper among them — published a joint appeal to the armed forces to remain neutral in the ongoing dispute over the election's integrity. Reminding the troops that "peaceful transfers of power … are hallmarks of our democracy," they added that "efforts to involve the U.S. armed forces in resolving election disputes" would be "dangerous, unlawful, and unconstitutional." They warned the troops that any "military officials who direct or carry out such measures would be … potentially facing criminal penalties." In conclusion, they suggested to Trump's secretary of defense and senior staff "in the strongest terms" that "they must … refrain from any political actions that undermine the results of the election."

To legitimate his claims of fraud, according to the New York Times, the president also tried — on nine separate occasions in December and January — to force the Justice Department to take actions that would "undermine an election result." In response, a mid-ranking Trump loyalist at Justice, a nonentity named Jeffrey Clark, began pressuring his boss, the attorney general, to write Georgia officials claiming they had found "significant concerns that may have impacted the outcome of the election." But at a three-hour White House meeting on Jan. 3, acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen balked at this evidence-free accusation. Trump promptly suggested that Rosen could be replaced by that mid-ranking loyalist who could then send the fraud letter to Georgia. The president's own top appointees at Justice, along with the White House counsel, immediately threatened to resign en masse, forcing Trump to give up on such an intervention at the state level.

Next, he shifted his constitutional maneuvering to Congress where, on Jan. 6, his doggedly loyal vice president, Mike Pence, would be presiding over the ratification of results from the Electoral College. In this dubious gambit, Trump was inspired by a bizarre constitutional theory advanced by former Chapman University law professor John Eastman — that the "Constitution assigns the power to the Vice President as the ultimate arbiter."

In this scenario, Pence would unilaterally set aside electoral votes from seven states with "ongoing disputes" and announce that Trump had won a majority of the remaining electors — making him once again president. But the maneuver had no basis in law, so Pence, after scrambling desperately and unsuccessfully for a legal justification of some sort, eventually refused to play along.

A political coup

With the constitutional option closed, Trump opted for a political coup, rolling the dice with raw physical force, much as Marcos had done at the Manila Hotel. The first step was to form a crowd with some paramilitary muscle to stiffen the assault to come. On Dec. 19, Trump called on his hardcore followers to assemble in Washington, ready for violence, tweeting: "Big protest in D.C. on January 6th. Be there, will be wild!"

Almost immediately, the Internet's right-wing chat boards lit up and indeed their paramilitaries, the Proud Boys and Three Percenters militia, turned up in Washington on the appointed day, ready to rumble. After Trump roused the crowd at a rally near the White House with rhetoric about a stolen election, a mob of some 10,000 marched on the Capitol building.

Starting at about 1 p.m., the sheer size of the crowd and strategic moves by the paramilitaries in their ranks broke through the undermanned lines of the Capitol Police, breaching the building's first-floor windows at about 2:10 p.m. and allowing protesters to start pouring in. Once the rioters had accomplished the unimaginable and seized the Capitol, they were fresh out of plans, reduced to marching through the corridors hunting legislators and trashing offices.

At 2:24 p.m., Trump tweeted: "Mike Pence didn't have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country." On the far-right social media site Parler, his supporters began messaging the crowd to get the vice president and force him to stop the election results. The mob rampaged through the marbled halls shouting "Hang Mike Pence." Hunkered down inside the Capitol, Rep. Adam Kinzinger, R-Ill., tweeted: "This is a coup attempt."

At 2:52 p.m., Rep. Abigail Spanberger, D-Va., a former CIA agent, tweeted from inside the barricaded House chamber: "This is what we see in failing countries. This is what leads to the death of democracy."  

At 3:30 p.m., a small squad of military police arrived at the Capitol, woefully inadequate reinforcements for the overwhelmed Capitol Police. Ten minutes later, the D.C. Council announced that the Defense Department had denied the mayor's request to mobilize the local National Guard. While the crowd fumbled and fulminated, some serious people were evidently slowing the military's response for just the few critical hours needed for events to cascade into something, anything, that could shake the constitutional order and slow the ratification of Joe Biden's election.

In nearby Maryland, Republican Gov. Larry Hogan had immediately mobilized his state's National Guard for the short drive to the Capitol while frantically phoning acting Secretary of Defense Christopher Miller, who repeatedly refused him permission to send in the troops. Inside the Pentagon, Lt. Gen. Charles Flynn, the brother of the same Michael Flynn who had been pushing Trump to declare martial law, was participating in what CNN called those "key January 6th phone calls" that refused permission for the Guard's mobilization.

Following a phone call from the mayor of Washington and its police chief pleading for help, Secretary of the Army Ryan McCarthy "ran down the hall" of the Pentagon to get authorization for the Guard's mobilization. After a crucial delay of 90 minutes, he finally called the Maryland governor, outside the regular chain of command, to authorize the Maryland Guard's dispatch. Those would indeed be the first troops to arrive at the Capitol and would play a critical role in restoring order.

At about 4:30 p.m., Trump finally tweeted: "These are the things and events that happen when a sacred landslide election victory is so unceremoniously and viciously stripped away from great patriots who have been badly & unfairly treated for so long. Go home in love & peace."

Ten minutes later, at 4:40 p.m., hundreds of riot personnel from the D.C. police, the FBI and the Department of Homeland Security arrived, along with the Maryland Guard, to reinforce the Capitol Police. Within an hour, the protesters had been pushed out of the building and the Capitol was declared secure.

Just five days later, Dr. Fiona Hill, a senior Russia expert on the National Security Council under Trump, reviewed these events and concluded that President Trump had staged a coup "in slow motion … to keep himself in power."

History's lessons

Beyond all the critical details of who did what and when, there were deeper historical forces at play, suggesting that Donald Trump's urge for a political coup that would return him to power may be far from over. For the past 100 years, empires in decline have been roiled by coup attempts that sometimes have overturned constitutional orders. As their military reverses accumulate, their privileged economic position erodes, and social tensions mount, a succession of societies in the grip of a traumatic loss of global power have suffered coups, successful or not, including Great Britain, France, Portugal, Spain, the Soviet Union and now the United States.

Britain's plot was a bit fantastical. Amid the painful, protracted dissolution of their empire, Conservative leaders plotted with top generals in 1968 to oust leftist Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson by capturing Heathrow airport, seizing the BBC and Buckingham Palace, and putting Lord Mountbatten in power as acting prime minister. Britain's parliamentary tradition simply proved too strong, however, and key principals in the plot quickly backed out.

In April 1974, while Portugal was fighting and losing three bitter anticolonial wars in Africa, a Lisbon radio station played the country's entry in that year's Eurovision Song Contest ("After the Farewell") just minutes before midnight on an evening that had been agreed upon. It was the signal to the military and their supporters to overthrow the entrenched conservative government of that moment, a success which became known as the "Carnation Revolution."

However, the parallels between Jan. 6 and the fall of France's Fourth Republic in the late 1950s are perhaps the most telling. After liberating Paris from Nazi occupation in August 1944, Gen. Charles de Gaulle headed an interim government for 18 months. He then quit in a dispute with the left, launching him into a decade of political intrigue against the new Fourth Republic, whose liberal constitution he despised.

By the mid-1950s, France was reeling from its recent defeat in Indochina, while the struggle against Muslim revolutionaries in its Algerian colony in North Africa turned ever more brutal, marked as it was by scandals over the widespread French use of torture. Amid that crisis of empire, an anti-elite, anti-intellectual, antisemitic politician named Pierre Poujade launched a populist movement that sent 56 members to parliament in 1956, including Jean-Marie Le Pen, later founder of the far-right National Front.

Meanwhile, a cabal of politicians and military commanders plotted a coup to return de Gaulle to power, thinking he alone could save Algeria for France. After an army junta seized control of Algiers, the capital of that colony, in May 1958, paratroopers stationed there were sent to capture the French island of Corsica and to prepare to seize Paris should the legislature fail to install de Gaulle as prime minister.

As the country trembled on the brink of a coup, de Gaulle made his dramatic entry into Paris where he accepted the National Assembly's offer to form a government, conditional upon the approval of a presidential-style constitution for a Fifth Republic. But when de Gaulle subsequently accepted the inevitability of Algeria's independence, four top generals launched an abortive coup against him and then formed what they called the Secret Army Organization, or OAS. It would carry out terror attacks over the next four years, with 12,000 victims, while staging three unsuccessful assassination attempts against de Gaulle before its militants were killed or captured.

The coup of 2024?

Just as the Filipino colonels spent five years launching a succession of escalating coups and those French generals spent four years trying to overthrow their government, so Trump's Republicans are working with ferocious determination in the run-up to the 2022 and 2024 elections to ensure that their next constitutional coup succeeds. Indeed, if you look back on events over the past year through the prism of such historical precedents, you can see all the components for a future political coup falling into place.

No matter how improbable, discredited or bizarre those election fraud claims are, Republican loyalists persist in endless ballot audits in Arizona, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Georgia and Texas. Their purpose is not really to find more votes for Trump in the 2020 election, but to maintain at least the present level of rage among the one-third of all Americans and more than half of all Republicans who believe that Joe Biden's presidency is fraudulent.

Since the 2020 election coincided with the new census, Republicans have been working, reports Vox, to "gerrymander themselves into control of the House of Representatives." Simultaneously, Republican legislators in 19 states have passed 33 laws making it more difficult for certain of their residents to vote. Driven by the white nationalist "replacement theory" that immigrants and people of color are diluting the pool of "real American" voters, Trump and his Republican loyalists are fighting for "ballot integrity" on the principle that all nonwhite votes are inherently illegitimate. As Trump put it on the stump in 2016:

I think this will be the last election that the Republicans have a chance of winning because you're going to have people flowing across the border, you're going to have illegal immigrants coming in … and they're going to be able to vote and once that all happens you can forget it. You're not going to have one Republican vote.

In case all that electoral manipulation fails and Trump needs more muscle for a future political coup, right-wing fighters like the Proud Boys are still rumbling away at rallies in OregonCalifornia and elsewhere across America. Just as the Philippine government made military rebels do a risible 30 push-ups for the capital crime of armed rebellion, so federal courts have generally been handing out the most modest of penalties to rioters who attempted nothing less than the overthrow of U.S. constitutional democracy last Jan. 6.

Among the 600 rioters arrested as of August, dozens have been allowed to plead guilty to misdemeanors and only three had been sentenced to jail time, leaving most cases languishing in pretrial motions. Already Republicans like Sen. Ted Cruz have rallied to their defense, writing the U.S. attorney general to complain about an "unequal administration of justice" with "harsher treatment" for Capitol defendants than those arrested in Black Lives Matter protests.

So, in 2024, as the continuing erosion of America's global power creates a crisis of confidence among ordinary Americans, expect Donald Trump to be back, not as the slightly outrageous candidate of 2016 or even as the former president eager to occupy the White House again, but as a militant demagogue with thundering racialist rhetoric, backed by a revanchist Republican Party ready, with absolute moral certainty, to bar voters from the polls, toss ballots out and litigate any loss until hell freezes over.

And if all that fails, the muscle will be ready for another violent march on Washington. Be prepared, the America we know is worsening by the month.

Copyright 2021 Alfred W. McCoy

 Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Books, John Feffer's new dystopian novel, "Songlands(the final one in his Splinterlands series), Beverly Gologorsky's novel "Every Body Has a Story" and Tom Engelhardt's "A Nation Unmade by War," as well as Alfred McCoy's "In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power" and John Dower's "The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War II."

More from Salon on the Jan. 6 coup attempt and its aftermath:

GOP attacks Sesame Street’s “Big Bird” for promoting COVID vaccine: “Brainwashing children!”

Texas Republican Sen. Ted Cruz and other right-wingers lashed out at “Big Bird” on Saturday after the Sesame Street character’s Twitter account advocated getting vaccinated for COVID-19.

“I got the COVID-19 vaccine today!” Big Bird wrote Saturday morning. “My wing is a little sore, but it’ll give my body an extra protective boost that keeps me and others healthy.”

“Ms. @EricaRHill even said I’ve been getting vaccines since I was a little bird. I had no idea!” Big Bird added, referring to CNN journalist Erica Hill, who hosted a Town Hall with Big Bird called “The ABCs of COVID Vaccines.”

Cruz responded by writing above Big Bird’s tweet, “Government propaganda…for your 5 year old!”

Steve Cortes, a Newsmax host, went a step further.

“This kind of propaganda is actually evil,” Cortes wrote. “Your children are not statistically at risk, and should not be pressured into a brand new treatment. Do Not Comply!”


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Fox News’ Lisa Marie Boothe accused Big Bird of “brainwashing children who are not at risk from COVID.”

“Twisted,” Marie Boothe wrote.

More below:

 https://twitter.com/YesItsM97576245/status/1457124374503251971

“Four Seasons Total Documentary” captures the Trump campaign’s emperor-has-no-clothes moment

One year ago “Four Seasons Total Documentary” director Christopher Stoudt happened to be at home when his roommate’s brother, the director of sales at a Philadelphia-based landscaping company called Four Seasons, texted a picture of Donald Trump’s surrogate Rudy Giuliani sitting in a drab office behind a nameplate that said “Boss Lady.”

“When it was happening, I just thought it was just one of the funniest things that I’ve ever seen,” he told Salon in a recent phone interview. Hours later, that moment became part of a ridiculous press conference that transformed a small family-owned landscaping business into a meme and local landmark.

As a reminder, former-President Trump kicked off the foolishness by tweeting, “Lawyers News Conference Four Seasons, Philadelphia. 11:00 a.m.” Then he posted a correction: “Big press conference today in Philadelphia at Four Seasons Total Landscaping. 11:30am!” The famed hotel chain was obligated to follow up by saying it had no relation to the landscaping company, which services local businesses around Philly.

But while subsequent coverage chased the reasons for Trump Campaign’s strange choice for its campaign’s final gasp – the election was called for Joe Biden mid-Giuliani meltdown – the Four Seasons staff and its owner, Marie Siravo, were abandoned to face a barrage of hateful voicemails and online harassment for hosting the event. 

“Four Seasons Total Documentary” is part of MSNBC’s push into the longform non-fiction space, with network president Rashida Jones serving as an executive producer on the project. Don’t let its tongue-in-cheek title throw you – it is an entirely serious if good-humored breakdown of how the press conference came to be and how it impacted this locally owned business, presented from the staff’s perspective. 

RELATED: The Four Seasons Total Landscaping debacle is finally getting the documentary treatment it deserves

It also tells the story of how Four Seasons turned around a situation that nearly destroyed the livelihood Siravo built over 28 years from the ground up. The landscaping company’s salvation came in the from of retaking the narrative, making themselves the epicenter of the joke. They are the reason Four Seasons Total Landscaping t-shirts became last spring’s hipster fashion must-have. 

That plucky tone also informs Stoudt’s approach, starting with the fact that at around 28 minutes long, this documentary is appreciably shorter than the press conference that inspired it. Giuliani’s ceaseless rambling expanded a show about nothing to 37 minutes and 21 seconds.

The piece may be more of an episode about an episode than a documentary, but its economic runtime doesn’t take away from its worth. Within that time up Stoudt and his subjects, including journalists who covered the campaign and the event, clear up many commonly held misconceptions about of how and why it happened. But as the director insists, that’s the least important part of the story.

His main emphasis is on the people who said yes to a campaign’s request to host an event on its premises, and their amazement that they became  part of a larger story. To Stoudt, the press conference at Four Seasons was an appropriate bookend to a presidential era that began with a game show host descending a golden escalator.

Watching Trump’s presidency end in front of a garage door next to some coiled yellow hose, he observed, “was kind of like the emperor-has-no-clothes moment for the Trump campaign, you know? It just sort of like it let us finally peek behind the curtain and see reality for what it was.”  

Keep reading for the rest of our conversation with the director of “Four Seasons Total Documentary.”

The following interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.


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What compelled you to film a documentary about, of all things, a press conference at a landscaping company?

It just seemed like an amazing opportunity to tell the story of 2020 and use this press conference as sort of an analogue for how crazy the year was, how divisive the election had been for so many people – it’s  probably the most divisive election in my lifetime, at least. And I wanted to tell this underdog story of seeing this family take this opportunity and turn it to their advantage.

Because at first, the whole world hated them. They were getting endless phone calls and hate mail, and people thought they were endorsing the Trump campaign as a result of their hosting. They would have done this for any campaign, they would have done it for Biden, if he had asked.

You’ve done a lot of short form pieces, and one of them being a 60-second short that you did on Katrina, a very different kind of disaster. You seem to gravitate towards current events flashpoints that say specific things about America. What does this documentary tell you about American culture?

It was just interesting to spotlight what I felt was a collective sigh of relief for the country. In 2020, we were indoors, we were locked up in front of our computers. A lot of our American experience that year was online. And when this event happened, it became the sort of antidote to all the misery and dread that a lot of people had been experiencing. It also gave us this communal experience to bond over that wasn’t traumatic and tragic. It was a light-hearted moment to show us that we should be able to laugh at ourselves.

It’s also an interesting examination of the snap judgment people made about the company, simply for choosing to host a Trump campaign press conference. The owner never reveals what her politics are, but she still has such vitriol directed at her. As you said, by the time you got to Four Seasons the family had already turned the story around. But were they hesitant when you approached them?

They were hesitant at first. And the reason they were was because every outlet under the sun, and all of them wanted to know why it happened. Why did they book this press conference? The focus was completely shifting away from the family. And actually, they were supposed to be anonymous, right?

The press conference was never supposed to be announced that it was at Four Seasons. Then Trump made his tweet, and suddenly, they were placed under this magnifying glass. Suddenly, their reputation and their character was on the line. And it was a place they never asked to be.

For me, my focus has always been less on the why of it than the who of it. And in telling that story, the who of it, I can still touch on the Trump campaign and the dysfunction that was happening at the time. And the sort of unraveling of Rudy Giuliani right before our very eyes. I mean, the great irony is that had there not been this funny little screw up, no one would have ever seen this press conference.

And what I gleaned from the coverage in making the film was that the Trump campaign didn’t want eyeballs on Rudy Giuliani on that day. He had been going off the rails, he had aides assigned to him to make sure that he wasn’t creating more problems for the campaign than he had already. So by this perfect screw up, suddenly the entire world is watching.

And the reaction from the media was a little classist. Like, everyone was talking about how [Four Seasons Total Landscaping] was next door to a sex shop and across the street from a crematorium. The reality that this was just a small family-owned business, trying to support themselves, serving the needs of local businesses who needed landscaping, was sort of glossed over. Suddenly their character was on trial.

What did you do or say to put them at ease in terms of letting you into tell their story?

My family’s from Reading, Pennsylvania, which is really close to Philly, it’s about an hour away. So, you know, I don’t have any Philly street cred, but I felt a sense of familiarity to the region. And I remember the first thing that I told them was that if we were going to make the film, they were gonna have to take me to a lot of good cheesesteak places. And yeah, we just sort of started laughing and joking around.  It felt easy for me to be able to sort of start joking with them and start stripping away sort of the “press” of it all. In other words, I approached them in a way that no one else had.

Did you take this to other outlets besides MSNBC? Or were you contracted to make it for them?

We definitely weren’t contracted by MSNBC.

I asked that question because the branding of cable news has become very politicized, and MSNBC is seen as the liberal answer to Fox. You never state what the family’s politics are, you simply tell the story. Did any portrayal of politics enter into forming the narrative?

I’ll give some backstory there. The story changed a lot as it developed, right? Initially the tone was a little bit more comedic. And then I remember, on Jan. 6, I was in a Zoom meeting with my producer . . . and I got a text from a friend that said, “Hey, are you watching this? People are storming the Capitol right now.” That moment was just such a tragedy for our country.

And after that I began seeing the direct line that you could potentially draw from Four Seasons to that moment. We had Rudy Giuliani in front of the crowd screaming, “Trial by combat!” The significance of the story and the power of the story really became apparent, and we needed to course correct. Then the goal became to be able to tell a story that could hold a mirror up to what happened without editorializing it in a way that sort of tipped our hand too much to what we as filmmakers believe.

Because when you make a film, you have to put your own biases aside. You have to be objective. And the phrase we like to use is warm hearts and clear eyes.

That’s very “Friday Night Lights.”

“Can’t lose.” Exactly.

But I always go into making films with a really warm heart. I love to find the good in people and the humor. For me, the politics ultimately distracts, because that’s not really the point.

Look, I’m a long-haired guy from California. And when I show up in Philly, in Holmesburg, with long hair, it’s pretty obvious where I stand, you know. But that was never held against me.  And it wasn’t really the point. It was always trying to let the moments speak for themselves.

You’re always trying to tell as universal a story as possible. And this is about the American experience, and the American experience should be bipartisan. It should not be divisive. I think everyone can agree that the division that we experienced as a country leading up to this moment was incredibly toxic and created so much anguish for so many people. We wanted to do the opposite of that. We didn’t want to create more division with our film.

“Four Seasons Total Documentary” premieres Sunday, Nov. 7 at 10 p.m. on MSNBC. 

More stories like this: 

As overdose rates reach record highs, it’s time to reimagine American drug policy

While Americans were paralyzed by the global pandemic, a second killer was quietly taking lives: drug overdose. In the 12-month period ending March 2021, overdose rates in the United States hit an all-time record. As a person in recovery from opioid addiction who works with some of our most vulnerable at risk of an overdose, I constantly ask myself: how did we get to this point? Over the past year, I’ve buried a half dozen people close to me who died a preventable death. I didn’t need to see the headlines to know that we’re hitting another grim milestone.

Even people without a history of addiction are now at risk. The DEA recently warned of a rise in overdose deaths related to fentanyl-laced fake prescription drugs. Fentanyl is becoming a near-universal additive in many illicit substances, making test kits and overdose-reversing medications like naloxone as necessary as seatbelts in a car.

Without these safeguards, people die. New data shows that 96,779 people lost their lives to overdoses between March 2020 and March 2021. The CDC projects that the death toll increased 29.6% — though that is an estimate until more data arrives. Confirming drug overdose as the cause of death requires a “lengthy investigation” to be recorded, so the real number could surpass 100,000 deaths.

Addiction-related deaths are sometimes dubbed “deaths of despair,” for self-evident reasons. The CDC reported that American adults in June 2020 experienced elevated levels of adverse mental health conditions, substance use, and suicidal ideation. People’s anxiety levels were approximately three times higher than those reported in 2019; depression was approximately four times higher.

The recovery community and people who use drugs, in particular, have been decimated by the pandemic and its social and economic effects. Job uncertainty, isolation, and grief have affected all of us. Yet marginalized populations who already contend with complex mental health issues face higher risks than those who don’t.

Despite new federal funds and forthcoming dollars from opioid litigation, overdose deaths have continued unabated. In May, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) announced it would be distributing $3 billion in American Rescue Plan funding — “the largest aggregate amount of funding to date for its mental health and substance use block grant programs.” Yet, the death toll is still breaking records since that announcement.

On October 27th, Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra announced the release of a new, comprehensive Overdose Prevention Strategy. For those of us on the frontlines, the strategy is a welcomed approach: adding harm reduction and recovery support services to complement treatment and prevention as key tools to combat the crisis. The only issue with the strategy is it comes with no new funding attached to it. Funding for these strategies will have to come from President Biden’s already proposed 2022 budget — calling for $11.2 billion to be spent across HHS drug-related programs.


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Funding forthcoming from the multidistrict opioid litigation (MDL) with pharmaceutical giants could make a dent in these overdose numbers, if it were made available immediately. Johnson & Johnson is projected to pay up to $5 billion, and AmerisourceBergen and Cardinal Health are each contributing $6.4 billion. McKesson is predicted to pay $7.9 billion. It sounds like a lot, but only 70% of that money will be used for abatement, such as providing naloxone, treatment, supportive services, and public education. To add insult to injury, the payments will be made over the course of 18 years, not in one lump sum. This is not enough.

To fight the crisis, we need 100%

In 2019, public health, drug policy and recovery advocates called for a minimum $100 billion, decade-long strategy at $10 billion per year to fight the overdose crisis. Then as now, experts said we needed more—and we needed public health experts and people with lived experience at the decision table, not just state attorneys general and elected officials.

This statistic is striking: for every 8 COVID deaths in the United States, there is at least 1 overdose death. However, Congress has spent nearly 700 times as much on combating the COVID crisis as they have the overdose crisis. While flattening the curb on COVID is a priority, the federal investment into local communities on the issue shows that the same can be done with overdose deaths. Compared with the trillions spent on curbing COVID-19, developing a vaccine, and rolling out safeguards to our communities, a decade-long strategy at $10 billion per year is a small amount. Yet, when COVID-19 is a thing of the past, people will still be dying of overdoses. And the resources they need could be out of reach, inaccessible, and severely privileged.

One hundred percent of the multidistrict litigation settlement — and much more — should be dedicated to fighting overdoses. However, it’s a problem that will take more than money to solve. Many view the opioid litigation abatement plans as putting more money into a failed system, when we should really be reimagining a new system that will ultimately lead to reduced overdose death. What should we be doing instead?

We must decriminalize addiction and drug use through diversion, treatment, and re-entry programs. An unjust criminal justice system translates to an unjust health care system: 85% of the prison population has an active substance use disorder or were incarcerated for a crime involving drugs or drug use.

We need a minimum 10-year, $100 billion grant program to local communities to improve their mental health and addiction services infrastructure. Local communities and public health professionals should be making these decisions. They should be deciding on how to disburse funds and implement localized policies for the care people require, not the federal government—and certainly not law enforcement, including attorneys general.

We need a massive expansion of fentanyl testing in place, similar to our COVID testing infrastructure, to curb fentanyl overdoses. Fentanyl is far more potent than heroin — about 100 times so — which in turn makes it more deadly than other opioids. Since it has similar effects, it is often mixed in with other opioids or passed off as other substances. Fortunately, fentanyl test strips are inexpensive, empowering, and effective: a 2018 study showed that drug users who used the strips made a positive change in overdose risk behavior. More than 60% of overdose deaths are now fentanyl-related, making testing essential to saving lives.

We need to expand Medicaid coverage in all states, immediately. There is compelling evidence that people who live in states that have expanded Medicaid have experienced improved physical and mental health outcomes—which is good for all of us.

And we need a robust peer recovery workforce in place, with peers working in hospital rooms and community settings. This would help close the massive 90% treatment gap that has remained stagnant for decades. We need to look beyond the traditional treatment model in America and start meeting people where they are at. Core competencies like person-centered, voluntary, trauma-informed care are proven to have overwhelmingly beneficial, life-changing results.

Spending more money on policies and programs that don’t work is a waste of time and puts lives at risk. Whether this money comes from federal and state grants or opioid litigation abatement funding, it’s not working. They say that insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results. We need to break away from the absurd cycle of mis-spending funding, slashing lifesaving programs, undermining public health experts and resources, and then blaming people for dying. The answer is reimagining and rebuilding the failed system that has led to the historic high of 96,779 preventable overdose deaths.

Stopping overdoses can only happen if we engage local communities and health professionals in these critical decisions—and listen to them. If we want to stop this madness, we need to take our healthcare decisions out of the bureaucracy of government and into community settings, where people know they’re welcome, supported, and respected. Reimagining our drug policy and how we deliver services to individuals with addiction, and funding them appropriately, is the only way to turn the tables on the troubling upward trend of the American overdose crisis.

Decades of hype turned protein into a superfood – and spawned a multibillion-dollar industry

Do you ever blend up a protein smoothie for breakfast, or grab a protein bar following an afternoon workout? If so, you are likely among the millions of people in search of more protein-rich diets.

Protein-enriched products are ubiquitous, and these days it seems protein can be infused into anything – even water. But the problem, as Kristi Wempen, a nutritionist at Mayo Clinic, points out, is that “contrary to all the hype that everyone needs more protein, most Americans get twice as much as they need.”

Many of us living in the most economically developed countries are buying into a myth of protein deficiency created and perpetuated by food companies and a wide array of self-identified health experts. Global retail sales of protein supplement products – usually containing a combination of whey, casein or plant-based proteins such as peas, soy or brown rice – reached a staggering US$18.9 billion in 2020, with the U.S. making up around half of the market.

I am a food historian and recently spent a month at the Library of Congress trying to answer the question of why we have historically been – and remain – so focused on dietary protein. I wanted to explore the ethical, social and cultural implications of this multibillion-dollar industry.

Experts weigh in

Weight-loss surgeon Garth Davis writes in his book “Proteinaholic” that “‘eat more protein’ may be the worst advice ‘experts’ give to the public.” Davis contends that most physicians in the U.S. have never actually examined a patient with protein deficiency because simply by eating an adequate number of daily calories we are also most likely getting enough protein.

In fact, Americans currently consume almost two times the National Academy of Medicine’s recommended daily intake of protein: 56 grams for men and 46 grams for women – the equivalent of two eggs, a half-cup of nuts and 3 ounces of meat – although optimal protein intake may vary depending on age and activity level.

For example, if you’re a dedicated athlete you might need to consume higher quantities of protein. Generally, though, a 140-pound person should not exceed 120 grams of protein per day, particularly because a high protein diet can strain kidney and liver function and increase risks of developing heart disease and cancer.

Walter Willett, chairman of the department of nutrition at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, describes high protein intake as “one of the fundamental processes that increase the risk of cancer.” Beyond these concerns, processed supplements and protein bars are often packed with calories and may contain more sugar than a candy bar.

As stated in The New York Times, however, “the protein supplement market is booming among the young and healthy,” those who arguably need it least. The retail sales of protein products in the United States were at $9 billion in 2020, up from about $6.6 billion in 2015.

Fats and carbohydrates have, along with sugar, taken turns being vilified since the identification of macronutrients (fats, proteins and carbs) over a century ago. As food writer Bee Wilson points out, protein has managed to remain the “last macronutrient left standing.”

Why has protein endured as the supposed holy grail of nutrients, with many of us wholeheartedly joining the quest to consume ever-greater quantities?

The scoop on protein products

The history of manufacturing and marketing protein-enriched products goes back almost as far as the discovery of protein itself.

German chemist Justus von Liebig, one of the earliest to identify and study macronutrients, came to regard protein “as the only true nutrient.” Liebig was also the first to mass-produce and distribute a product associated with protein in the 1860s, “Liebig’s Extract of Meat.”

Author Gyorgy Scrinis writes that through “advertising and favorable publicity, the [Liebig’s Extract of Meat] company achieved ‘considerable success.'” Particularly for those who could not afford to purchase meat, the extract seemed a reasonable and satiating substitute.

Protein consumption has remained a central component of nutritional advice and marketing campaigns ever since, even amid recycled and recurring arguments over the optimal amount of protein and whether plant or animal sources are best.

Around the time Liebig launched his extract company, John Harvey Kellogg, a staunch vegetarian, set out to redefine traditional American meals at his health sanitarium in Battle Creek, Michigan.

The Kellogg family invented flaked breakfast cereals, granola, nut butters and various “nut meats,” which they produced, packaged, marketed and sold across the nation. Kellogg wrote countless tracts denouncing meat-heavy diets and assuring readers that high-protein plant foods could easily replace meat.

In an April 1910 issue of his periodical “Good Health,” Kellogg posited that “Beans, peas, lentils and nuts afford an ample proportion of the protein elements which are essential for blood making and tissue building.”

How protein regained its status

Alongside the meat and cereal companies consistently touting the high protein content of their foods, the first processed protein shake appeared on the market in 1952 with bodybuilder mogul Bob Hoffman’s Hi-Proteen Shakes, made from a combination of soy protein, whey and flavorings.

In the 1970s through the 1990s, protein products remained visible but receded somewhat with the dietary spotlight firmly fixed on low-calorie, low-fat, sugar-free snack foods and beverages following the publication of studies linking sugar and saturated fat consumption to heart disease. These decades gave us Slimfast and Diet Coke as well as fat-free (and guilt-free) SnackWell’s cookies and Lay’s potato chips.

New research in 2003, however, suggested high-protein diets could aid in weight loss, and protein quickly regained its former nutrient-superstar status.

Entire diets followed, each offering an array of protein drinks and bars. Robert Atkins first published his low-carb, high-protein “Dr. Atkins’ Diet Revolution” in 1982. It went on to become one of the 50 best-selling books of all time by the early 2000s, despite a New England Journal of Medicine article in 2003 clearly recommending that “Longer and larger studies [were] required to determine the long-term safety and efficacy of low-carbohydrate, high-protein, high-fat diets” such as Atkins’.

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The long-term pursuit of protein in hopes of achieving bigger muscles, smaller waists and fewer hunger pangs shows no sign of abating, and there has never been a dearth of those willing to take advantage of the public’s dietary goals by handing out unnecessary advice or a new protein-packed product.

In the end, most people living in high-income nations are consuming enough protein. When we replace meals with a protein bar or shake, we also risk missing out on the rich sources of antioxidants, vitamins and many other benefits of real food.

Hannah Cutting-Jones, Lecturer, Department of History, University of Oregon

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

“Head of the Class” and the man behind the ’80s comedy’s progressive, even radical agenda

If you’re old enough to have watched “Head of the Class,” the ABC sitcom that ran from 1986 to 1991, you probably remember it as a charming comedy about a classroom of wise-cracking gifted students and their worldly-but-unfulfilled teacher, played first by Howard Hesseman in his post-“WKRP in Cincinnati” years, then (in the series’ final season) by Billy Connolly. The show launched the careers of Robin Givens; veteran television actor Khrystyne Haje; Dan Schneider, who produced a generation of Nickelodeon hits; and Brian Robbins, who later became the CEO of Paramount Pictures, among others. “The funny premise and Hesseman’s laid-back way with a line,” Time magazine gushed about the series’ pilot, “make the show one of the most promising comedies of the fall.”

Beneath its gag-lined surface, however, “Head of the Class” hid a progressive agenda that may seem even more relevant today than it did during its original run through the anti-intellectual Reagan era. (HBO Max seems to agree. The network’s new take on the series, inspired by the original, premiered Nov. 4.) A great deal of that agenda came from series co-creator Michael Elias, a political activist and an underappreciated artist with a body of work that encompasses much more than a single sitcom.

“I don’t think of Michael as a comedian,” his good friend Steve Martin told Salon. “I think of him as a real writer.” To truly understand “Head of the Class,” you need to know the genuine Elias.

RELATED: Jackie Mason’s thorny career: Once a beacon for Jewish pride, the comedian later turned to bigotry

Born into both comedy and politics, Elias grew up in the Catskills, where his parents — a doctor and a librarian — were active in a variety of left-wing causes. Their neighbor, Elias’ godmother, owned a Borscht Belt resort called Chester’s that catered to socialist Jews, bringing in blacklisted entertainers like Zero Mostel and Paul Draper. Elias and his family never missed the resort’s annual arts festival.

Mel Brooks used to come up to spend the week and talk about comedy,” Elias told Salon. Brooks’ visit ignited a deep desire for a career making people laugh.

After college, Elias moved to New York City, studied acting with Uta Hagen and Lee Strasberg, and joined the Living Theatre, a revolutionary experimental performance group. As a cast member of the group’s 1963 production of “The Brig,” an anti-war play about the Marine Corps that was raided by federal marshals, Elias was arrested and held for several days in the same federal penitentiary that once housed Julius Rosenberg.

In the late 1960s, while he was studying improv, Elias met his first comedic partner, Frank Shaw. “Whenever we would pair together, we would be pretty funny,” said Elias. So at Shaw’s suggestion, they started an act. Elias and Shaw cut their comedic teeth in small clubs and bars, then started playing hip venues like Upstairs at the Downstairs and The Duplex, appearing on “The Ed Sullivan Show,” “The Merv Griffin Show” and “The Tonight Show,” and touring with musicians like The Turtles, Janis Ian and Phil Ochs.


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Soon they made their way to Los Angeles, where they both started writing for television. Elias joined the staff of “Pat Paulsen’s Half a Comedy Hour,” where he befriended another young writer who would go on to play a major role in his career: the aforementioned Steve Martin. In the 1970s, as Martin rose to prominence — becoming what Elias called “the first rock and roll comedian” — the two men became frequent collaborators. Elias wrote material for the wild and crazy guy’s stand-up routine, then co-wrote the script for his breakout feature film, “The Jerk.” 

“He’s a good laugher, and that really helps with a comedy writer, the laughing,” said Martin. “He can deliver the goods.”

While Martin’s comedy has always been known for steering clear of politics, however, Elias steered right into it, living a double life in Los Angeles. “By day I was a writer in Hollywood,” he confessed, “by night I was a mini-revolutionary.”

He and his wife provided refuge for a member of a radical left-wing militia called the Weather Underground who was wanted for trafficking in dynamite. Eventually, Elias was subpoenaed to testify before John Mitchell’s grand jury, which was seeking to root out the members of the activist left. As fate would have it, though, Mitchell’s own crimes connected to covering up the Watergate break-in saved him. “I would probably have gone to jail,” he said, “if it weren’t for John Mitchell going to jail before me.”

RELATED: 12 surprising facts about Mel Brooks

Elias made the most of his narrow escape from punishment. He became Carl Reiner‘s writing partner on “The New Dick Van Dyke Show.” He joined the writing staff for “Black Bart,” a short-lived attempt to make “Blazing Saddles” into a weekly sitcom, which reunited him with his childhood inspiration, Mel Brooks. In 1979, he and Shaw had their biggest hit with “The Frisco Kid,” the story of a sweet-but-naive Polish rabbi who travels across America with the guidance of a lawless cowboy. Starring Gene Wilder and Harrison Ford, the film became a Jewish American comedy classic. Elias and his new writing partner Richard Eustis followed up in 1982 with “Young Doctors in Love,” a film that spoofed medical dramas like “General Hospital” and “St. Elsewhere.”

A few years later, Elias and Eustis were asked to write a new show about a high school teacher and his class. They agreed, but only on one condition: the students had to be smart.

Head of the ClassHoward Hesseman faces members of his class in a still from “Head of the Class” circa 1986 (Fotos International/Courtesy of Getty Images)

Right from the start, “Head of the Class” reflected Elias’ progressivism. “All comedy is political,” Elias offered, but “Head of the Class” was more than that: it was subtly radical.

Rain Pryor, who played Theola June “T.J.” Jones — a Black student who was initially assigned to a remedial class before her intelligence and pluck forced the school to reconsider — appreciated the “very politicized voice” they gave her character. “That they allowed me to wear African symbols and to make those statements in class is pretty phenomenal,” she told Salon. The classroom set was dressed with a photograph of Malcolm X, and when the network censor told him to take it down, Elias said he’d be happy to comply . . . as soon as they wrote an official letter saying he had to. The letter never arrived.

The show’s diverse student body also included a white student named Alan Pinkard who served as the classroom conservative. Pinkard’s presence allowed the show’s writers to model thoughtful political discourse about issues like sexism, gun violence, and economic inequality, while clearly supporting left-wing positions.

“The show had a liberal bent,” Elias said, “and an anti-Reagan bent.”

That particular leaning inspired Elias to make the show groundbreaking in an unexpected way. In 1988, during Perestroika, “Head of the Class” became the first American sitcom to film in the Soviet Union. A third-season episode called “Mission to Moscow” helped to humanize a group long demonized by American conservatives: the Russians. It’s not hard to see echoes of Elias’ socialist childhood in the episode’s two-part storyline. “How I was raised, where I come from, I hope that’s in my comedy,” Elias said.

Head of the ClassIsabella Gomez, Gavin Lewis, Jolie Hoang Rappaport and Adrian Matthew Escalona in “Head of the Class” revival (Nicole Wilder/HBO Max)

The new HBO Max revival seems to be more social than political. According to executive producers Amy Pocha and Seth Cohen, the stars of the series are still a group of students “who are driven and want success in their lives,” along with their world-weary teacher. The show’s writers, however, are taking their cues less from politics than from life in the digital age, wrestling with everything from cancel culture to the intersection between cliques and social media. Still, the new show doesn’t stray far from its origins. (Robin Givens is even returning as the mother of a student who attends the new school.) Elias and Eustis, said Pocha, are “comedy kingpins,” and the new show promises to honor the heart of the old one.

After the original series’ five-season run ended, Elias’ work took a serious turn with “Lush Life,” a Showtime movie he both wrote and directed about a jazz musician (played by Forest Whitaker) dying of a brain tumor. Not long after “Lush Life,” Elias made yet another artistic transformation. Having tackled acting, directing, sketch comedy, and writing for stand-up, television, and film, he became a playwright, penning “The Catskill Sonata,” a story about Jewish communists coming to grips with the horrors of Stalin that recalled his rich comedic and political childhood. (The play’s 2007 premiere was directed by Paul Mazursky.) Later, he evolved creatively once more, publishing two novels: “The Last Conquistador” in 2013 and “You Can Go Home Now” in 2020.

“That’s not an easy transition to make, from sketch writing to sitcom writing to novel writing,” Martin said of Elias. “Those are sophisticated leaps.”

While Elias may be remembered best for comedies like “Head of the Class” and “The Frisco Kid” — “He is wildly funny,” said executive producer Cohen — he has always been more than just a humorist. His jokes are undergirded by a commitment to creating a more caring and inclusive world.

While many ’80s and ’90s sitcoms, from “Cheers” to “Friends,” sorely lacked diversity, thanks to Elias, “Head of the Class” looked more like America. The show’s gifted and talented student body, much like the cast of the show’s spiritual predecessor, “Welcome Back, Kotter,” was intentionally diverse. Happily, the new series — which stars a woman of color, “One Day at a Time” reboot alum Isabella Gomez, in the teacher role — seems to have captured Elias’ revolutionary but playful spirit. It should be a fitting tribute to his vision.

More stories you might like: 

CORRECTION: An earlier version of this story incorrectly reported Elias’ writing partner on “The Frisco Kid.” The story has been updated.

From “OK” to “Let’s Go Brandon”: A short history of insulting presidential nicknames

For those of you who have been mercifully spared this information, supporters of Donald Trump have started using the phrase “Let’s Go Brandon” as a code for “Fuck Joe Biden.” The craze began after an NBC Sports reporter at a NASCAR race in Alabama mistook the profane chant by some fans as an expression of support for driver Brandon Brown. Realizing that “Let’s Go Brandon” does indeed sound a bit like a version of the vulgar insult (if sufficiently muffled), it quickly caught on as a stand-in attack on the incumbent president.

Now it’s everywhere: On Trump campaign merchandise and among Republican politicians, on weapons parts and, of course, as a trending hashtag on Twitter. A Southwest Airlines pilot even came under investigation for uttering the phrase from the cockpit to a planeload of passengers.

“Let’s Go Brandon” is an imaginative troll, specific to the age of the internet — but it’s unlikely to have the staying power of the immortal presidential nickname “OK,” which over the last 180-plus years has become the most frequently used word on the planet. While its origins remain controversial, historians have confirmed that it was widespread during the 1840 election, when incumbent President Martin Van Buren was running against former U.S. Army Gen. William Henry Harrison. Prior to that election, “OK” had been employed for a few years by New Englanders as a comical shorthand for “all correct” — that is, as an acronym for “oll korrect” or “ole kurreck,” implying that the speaker was uncultivated or perhaps a non-English speaker. 

The next stage in the “OK” story comes because Van Buren’s nickname was “Old Kinderhook,” a reference to his hometown in upstate New York. Van Buren supporters capitalized on the term’s prevalence by forming “O.K. Clubs,” urging Democrats to “Vote for O.K.” and saying that it showed Van Buren was “all correct.” Seizing an opportunity, Harrison’s Whig Party tried to flip the script, claiming that Van Buren’s political patron, Andrew Jackson, had signed papers as president “O.K.” because he was too ignorant to know better that it was not “Oll Korrect.” (It was commonly believed that Jackson was only semi-literate, which wasn’t true, although he lacked much formal education.)

RELATED: Do GOP voters actually believe Trump’s Big Lie? They don’t act like it

Harrison defeated Van Buren, but not because of the mocking usage of “OK.” Both campaigns embraced the term and, more importantly, the Whigs developed a number of innovative techniques to push Harrison to victory. Harrison was further boosted by an economic depression that caused widespread hardship; under these conditions, almost anyone could have beaten Van Buren. But perhaps the popular phrase can still be meaningfully linked to that historical event: No prior election had ever had turnout above 60 percent, but in 1840 voter turnout was more than 80 percent — an inconceivably high proportion, then or now. (The 2020 election had the highest turnout in 120 years, and nevertheless only about two-thirds of registered voters even bothered.) It seems plausible that “OK” became so popular in large part because people heard it constantly that year.

It also didn’t help Van Buren’s image to be known as “OK.” He never commanded the grassroots popularity that war hero Andrew Jackson had, and was widely perceived by the public as distant and stuffy — in contemporary terms, part of the “elite.” Harrison was also a military veteran, dubbed “Old Tippecanoe” by the Whigs, in reference to a battle he fought in 1811 against the Native American confederacy under the legendary Shawnee chief Tecumseh. Compared to that colorful history (however it may appear to us today), Van Buren seemed like a nonentity, and being called “OK,” a word that already had the connotation of “somewhat all right,” clearly didn’t help.

That helps us focus on the secret of effective presidential epithets — they zero in on a highly distinctive quality of the person in question and skewer it. Think of the catchy insulting monikers from recent history. “Tricky Dick” Nixon has an appealing rhythmic and percussive quality, but also captures the fact that Nixon was seen as a shifty and unscrupulous character long before the Watergate scandal. “Teflon Ron” Reagan was effective because no amount of scandal ever stuck to the relentlessly upbeat Reagan — partly because the press loved him and the Republican Party protected him, and partly because he literally had no idea what was going on in his own administration. “Slick Willie” Clinton perfectly encapsulated the unctuous salesman-cum-preacher mode so distinctive to the 42nd president — and doesn’t it seem even more accurate today? George W. Bush was mocked as “Dubya,” partly to differentiate himself from his dad and partly to point out that he was a prep-school kid from the uppermost level of society, masquerading as a Texan. 

Trump’s favorite nickname for his 2016 election opponent, “Crooked Hillary,” was idiotic in substance but mercilessly effective. It was grotesquely unfair — Hillary Clinton has been investigated more thoroughly than almost anyone in current public life, and has never faced criminal charges of any kind — but that wasn’t necessarily a drawback in the gruesome context of that campaign. The simplistic epithet captured the intense mistrust many on the right felt toward Hillary, going clear back to her husband’s first election in 1992. Not coincidentally, it also confirmed the misogynistic stereotype of a conniving, untrustworthy woman.


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“Let’s Go Brandon” is entirely different. Unlike the other insults reviewed here, there is no deeper meaning that’s specific to Joe Biden in any way. Describing him as “China Joe” or “Sleepy Joe” at least conveys specific insults, regardless of their merits. As I suggested earlier, “Let’s Go Brandon” is a specific product of this era, but it asserts nothing about Biden rather than overt hostility — at a moment when the president appears embattled amid falling approval ratings. 

“Let’s Go Brandon” also does not strike me as an especially effective way to “own the libs,” although there’s some anecdotal evidence that Democrats and their supporters find it troubling. Hardly anyone personally identifies with Joe Biden to such an intense degree that they feel genuine distress when he is attacked. It’s Trump supporters who feel that way about their hero, thanks to an unhealthy dose of narcissism by proxy and a profound buy-in to Trump’s malignant normality. While millions of people are no doubt invested in Biden’s success as president, they don’t view him as an untouchable idol.

Finally, the insult fails because it implies that there is some taboo against criticizing Biden, which the last few weeks of plummeting poll numbers and policymaking headaches should have proven is spectacularly untrue. This is another example of Trump supporters’ performative subversiveness, in which privileged white people play-act as victims while shilling for fascism. It’s the obnoxious, quasi-jokey wish fulfillment that oozes from Trump’s pores, boiled down to a single childish slogan.

As always with the Trump movement and Republicans, there’s a powerful element of projection to “Let’s Go Brandon,” which exposes more about the people using it than about its target. In addition to revealing Trump supporters to be childish, vulgar and obsessed with their hero to an unhealthy degree — none of which is a big surprise — it also shows how much they dread being humiliated. “Let’s Go Brandon” attempts to taunt Biden with the thing they fear most desperately — being publicly regarded as a joke. 

Should Democrats respond with their own demeaning nickname for Trump? That depends on whether you think anything could ever stick to a man who seems impervious to ridicule, and whose innumerable lies, multiple apparent criminal acts and massive incompetence have never affected the intense loyalty of his faithful. It’s not like there’s a shortage of ample material for his opponents: Trump’s followers can serve for the rest of world history as the ultimate example of “sore losers,” for instance, as their champion is the only president to refuse to gracefully accept being fired by the American people, and had an extensive history of being a sore loser long before his claims about the 2020 election.

It probably won’t happen, for the same set of reasons that Republican politicians usually move in lockstep but Democrats don’t. The anti-Trump constituency has no coherent shared ideology beyond supporting “democracy” — which means different things to different people — much less a consistent message. It doesn’t help that many liberals still believe in the failing creed, “We go high,” fearing that playing dirty will both degrade themselves and backfire politically. But if a catchy disparaging epithet for Trump that nettled his followers actually got traction, from the Democrats’ point of view that would be OK. 

More from Salon on Donald Trump’s Big Lie — and how and why it became so powerful:

One in four U.S. senators still hold fossil fuel investments even as world burns

As President Joe Biden aims to assure the world that the United States will fulfill its promise to slash its greenhouse gas emissions in half from 2005 levels by the end of the decade, a new report published Friday reveals that the members of the U.S. Senate who would have to pass climate legislation are heavily invested in the fossil fuel industry.

Sludge reports the households of at least 28 U.S. senators—in both the Democratic and Republican caucuses—hold a combined minimum of $3.7 million and as much as $12.6 million in fossil fuel investments.

According to the report:

Of the 28 senators, at least 20 hold publicly traded stocks in companies like oil supermajor Chevron, pipeline giant Enterprise Products, or electric utility NextEra that belong to trade associations that are lobbying Congress against taking up strong legislation to curb polluting emissions.

Five senators are invested in energy funds built around oil and gas assets, and three own nonpublic stock in private fossil fuel companies. The investments, held by the senators, their spouse, jointly, or a dependent, are disclosed to the Senate Office of Public Records in very broad ranges and often buried in hundreds of pages of scanned paper forms, making a more precise count of their total value impossible.

At least half a dozen of the senators sit on environment- or climate-related committees. The household of Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee Chair Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.)—who has worked incessantly to destroy or dilute climate action in the Build Back Better Act and beyond—has received over $1 million in income from Enersystems, a coal brokerage firm the senator founded in the 1980s.

According to Sludge, Manchin “has stripped the Democrats’ budget reconciliation bill of major climate programs that would have transitioned coal-fired plants like the one where the company, now run by his son, holds a prime fuel services contract,” while the committee he chairs “also added more than $11.3 billion in funding to the bipartisan infrastructure bill that could benefit his family company’s niche waste coal industry.”


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Other Democratic senators whose households are heavily invested in fossil fuels include:

  • John Hickenlooper (Col.) holds up to $1 million in investments in Chevron and other polluters;
  • Tom Carper (Del.) owns as much as $274,000 in Chevron and Duke Energy shares;
  • Gary Peters (Mich.) has up to $355,000 in NextEra, DTE Energy, and Pacific Gas & Electric stock in his portfolio; and
  • The wife of Angus King—a Maine independent who caucuses with Democrats—owns up to $50,000 worth of NextEra shares.

Earlier this year, Common Dreams reported that six Democratic senators—Manchin, Chris Coons (Del.), Maggie Hassan (N.H.), Mark Kelly (Ariz.), Kyrsten Sinema (Ariz.), and Jon Tester (Mont.)—have received hundreds of thousands of dollars in combined campaign contributions from fossil fuel corporations, some of which have touted their purported support for climate action, over the past decade.

More money-in-politics stories:

“I’m a big-time victim”: Jan. 6 rioter whines after flying to insurrection on private jet

Infamous MAGA rioter Jenna Ryan told right-wing network Newsmax she’s a “big-time victim” after being sentenced to 60 days in prison for her role in the Capitol insurrection.

“This has been the most atrocious year,” Ryan told host Greg Kelly, in a clip she posted to her YouTube account on Saturday. “I am not in good shape. I don’t even know how I’m sitting here, but it is what it is.”

Ryan said believes she’s going to prison because the media made her “the face of the riot.”

Kelly suggested that Ryan is being punished because she’s “a person of privilege” who flew to DC on a private jet before the insurrection — despite her well-publicized tax woes.


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Ryan, meanwhile, defended a tweet from March in which she said she wasn’t going to prison because she’s white and blonde — saying she was merely sticking up for herself in response to a message from another Twitter user.

“That’s just one more example of how they’ve taken my image and used my image to skewer Trump, to skewer Trump supporters, and definitely to skewer myself,” Ryan said.

“You’re a victim,” Kelly responded.

“I’m a big-time victim,” Ryan said. “Like, I’ve gone through hell. They’ve gone through my phone. … I was treated like a terrorist at the airport. … I cannot tell you how I’ve been treated, and it’s been horrible, and it’s a travesty, and I hope I don’t get in trouble for talking right now.”

After Kelly suggested that something good could come out of Ryan’s ordeal, she responded by issuing an apparent threat to her critics.

“What we’re going to do is now take action against some of the cancel culture,” she said. “Anyone out there who’s spread lies about me will be hearing from my people in the future.”

Kelly concluded the interview by saying, “Good luck in prison.”

Watch below via YouTube:

Democrats’ plans to expand Medicare benefits may pinch Advantage plans’ funding

“Did you think we wouldn’t notice?” an older woman says, speaking into the camera. “You thought you could sneak this through?” an older man later adds. Others warn that Washington is “messing with” their Medicare Advantage health coverage and trying to raise their premiums.

But the television ad, paid for by Better Medicare Alliance, a research and advocacy group for Medicare Advantage plans, doesn’t spell out what cuts congressional lawmakers might be trying to slip past unsuspecting seniors.

Concerned that viewers could be confused and alarmed about coverage changes, we asked the Better Medicare Alliance for specifics about the sneaky moves the organization aims to alert people to. It’s not just one ad. The organization has launched a $3 million TV, radio and online advertising campaign, according to advertising tracker AdImpact.

In response, the group offered this emailed comment from its president and CEO, Mary Beth Donahue.

“Better Medicare Alliance is airing messages encouraging Congress to guard against cuts to seniors’ Medicare Advantage coverage, whether through benchmark policies in the reconciliation bill or other avenues.”

While still light on specifics, Donahue’s comment offered an important detail not mentioned in the ad. The group is concerned about coverage cutbacks through “benchmark policies in the reconciliation bill.”

Now we were getting somewhere. In the Democrats’ climate and social-spending bill being hammered out in Congress, one key health care proposal would add dental, hearing and vision coverage to the traditional Medicare program.

The provision, championed by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), is estimated to cost $350 billion over 10 years. As Democrats have labored to winnow their $3.5 trillion social-spending bill to make it palatable to moderates in the party, it’s unclear whether the Medicare benefits expansion will make it into the final version.

Assuming it does, here’s where benchmark calculations, and presumably the Better Medicare Alliance’s concerns, come into play.

Traditional Medicare vs. Medicare Advantage

First, some background. Most Medicare beneficiaries are in the so-called traditional Medicare program, in which members generally pay 20% of the cost of medical services after meeting a deductible. A separate plan covers prescription drugs. Enrollees can visit any doctor, hospital or other medical provider participating in the program, the vast majority of whom do nationwide. Many beneficiaries buy supplemental Medigap policies that cover their cost-sharing obligations and fill in other financial gaps.

However, a growing number of Medicare beneficiaries — more than 26 million, or 42% of Medicare enrollees — are in Medicare Advantage plans. Cost sharing is generally lower in these private-sector managed-care plans than in traditional Medicare, but the networks of doctors and hospitals are smaller, too. Many Medicare Advantage plans offer supplemental benefits such as dental, vision and hearing coverage, although the level of coverage varies widely.

“Traditional Medicare is a lousy program, and that’s why Medicare Advantage has really taken off over the last five or 10 years,” said Joseph Antos, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. “Medicare Advantage looks like the coverage you used to have [before joining Medicare] and there [isn’t] confusing cost sharing that most people don’t understand. Whereas with traditional Medicare, there are different deductibles and holes in coverage.”

The Benchmark

The federal Medicare program pays Medicare Advantage plans a set amount per member. Medicare Advantage health plans submit bids annually to federal officials that reflect how much they estimate it will cost to provide a package of benefits covering hospitalization (Medicare Part A) and outpatient services (Medicare Part B) to enrollees. Those bids are compared against a “benchmark,” which is based on the average spending per beneficiary in the traditional Medicare program, with geographic adjustments.

Plans that bid below the benchmark, as most do, receive a rebate they can use to reduce beneficiary cost sharing, subsidize premiums or pay for supplemental benefits like dental, vision and hearing.

The Benchmark Controversy

Groups like the Better Medicare Alliance say they support providing dental, hearing and vision coverage to all Medicare beneficiaries. But they’re worried that congressional leaders won’t factor the cost of new traditional Medicare benefits into the benchmark, resulting in lower rebates from the program, which could threaten other supplemental benefits that Medicare Advantage members enjoy, such as meals and transportation services, gym memberships and in-home care.

It’s not evident that lawmakers are considering excluding the benefit from the benchmark, however.

“I feel like this is the industry flexing its muscles and sending loud signals, but it’s not clear that Congress has any intention to modify payments as part of this legislation,” said Tricia Neuman, executive director of the program on Medicare policy at KFF.

Still, excluding the new benefits from the Medicare benchmark has generated interest as one way to pay for the pricey new benefits. According to one analysis, excluding the cost of the new benefits from the benchmark would reduce the fiscal cost by an estimated 41%, compared with a scenario that included the cost in the benchmark.

“This is because federal payments to [Medicare Advantage] plans would rise only modestly if the benchmarks excluded the new benefits, whereas they would rise substantially if the benchmarks included them,” according to the analysis by Matthew Fiedler, a fellow at the USC-Brookings Schaeffer Initiative for Health Policy.

Since rebates would fall, Medicare Advantage plans would have less to spend on supplemental benefits. But dental, vision and hearing would no longer be considered supplemental and would need to be incorporated into plans’ estimate of regular Medicare coverage costs, Fiedler noted.

That shift would mean that the rebate dollars that plans currently devote to dental, vision and hearing could be used for other supplemental benefits, which could shield those other benefits from substantial reductions, Fiedler said.

An analysis commissioned by AHIP, an industry group, estimated that incorporating a dental, vision and hearing benefit without adjusting the benchmark would have a substantial impact, resulting in a 48% decline in the national average rebate amount, or $58 per member per month.

No Sympathy

Critics of the Medicare Advantage program have long argued that the government is too generous in paying the private plans. When the Medicare program began incorporating private plans in the 1970s, part of the rationale was that the private plans could provide care more efficiently and save the program money. That hasn’t happened. In a June report to Congress, the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission estimated that the government pays 4% more for beneficiaries enrolled in Medicare Advantage than for those in traditional Medicare.

MedPAC recommended a 2% reduction in capitated payments to Medicare Advantage plans.

In addition, in a September report, the Office of Inspector General for the Department of Health and Human Services found that 20 of 162 Medicare Advantage companies used patient chart reviews and health risk assessments to boost their payments disproportionately compared with their enrollment size.

Losing Their Competitive Advantage

A big selling point for Medicare Advantage plans has been that they provide coverage for valuable benefits that the traditional Medicare program does not. In 2021, 94% of Medicare Advantage enrollees in individual plans are in plans with some level of dental coverage, according to an analysis by KFF. (KHN is an editorially independent program of KFF.)

But “some” coverage doesn’t necessarily mean comprehensive coverage. In a separate analysis, KFF found that Medicare beneficiaries faced high out-of-pocket costs for dental and hearing services, no matter what type of plan they had. In 2018, average out-of-pocket spending on dental care for traditional Medicare enrollees was $992. Medicare Advantage members spent modestly less out-of-pocket: $766.

In 2010, when the Affordable Care Act reduced Medicare Advantage plan payments to bring them in line with traditional Medicare, some in the industry predicted plans would pull out and benefits would be cut. That didn’t happen.

“The truth is Medicare Advantage has grown rapidly since then and extra benefits have proliferated,” Neuman said. “So, if the payment methodology changes because of the addition of dental, hearing and vision benefits, “it’s hard to say what would really happen.”

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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The startling power of my “sweet” white lady voice

 “I’ve never heard you use that voice,” he said, slumping into a chair in my office.  

Wringing my hands distractedly, I asked, “What voice?”  

“The voice you just used with that cop. You sounded … different.”  

“What? I was just nervous.”  

“You sounded cool as fuck. Excuse my language. I don’t think it was nerves.”  

I checked the hallway to see if any other students were coming in. No one was out there so I closed the door and tried to concentrate on what Jamal was saying.  

“Are you OK?” I asked. Even in my nervousness, I knew to only ask this question of a boy when he was alone. Years ago, I asked a male student if he needed help carrying a large box of lunches out of a restaurant and John, a teacher at the school, had given me a look that said, don’t do that. Everything about these boys is tough and the last thing they want their peers to see is them asking me, a white lady, for help.  

Jamal’s response was automatic, anyway. “Yeah. I’m fine. It’s not like it’s the first time.”  

“Tell me what happened. Did he have you out there for a long time? How did it all start?”  

* * *  

Every day since becoming principal at Austin Alternative, I would park on this quiet side street and make my way toward’s the front door of the school on Chicago’s West Side. I noticed the police officer first, pacing back and forth on the edge of the sidewalk closest to the street. The cop was white, like me. He was wearing his navy police uniform complete with a bullet proof vest and black steel toed shoes. Then I saw five Black teenagers, all boys, lined up against the wall, hands against the bricks.  

“We’re not going anywhere until someone tells me about the shots fired down the block!” the cop barked.  

Silence. I kept walking towards the scene. I recognized Jamal and Terrell (not their real names), two of my seniors, ready to graduate if they passed all their classes at the end of the year. Two more looked young enough to be high school students, but were not enrolled at our school. I know all 150 kids that attend Austin. And the last in line, on second look, was a man, older than the rest, wearing a mis-buttoned flannel shirt and no coat.

“I know you know what happened, and I’m sure it involved one of your friends,” the police officer said. “Just give me something to go on and you can all go.”

The young man at the end of the line started mumbling. “C’mon, man,” was all I could hear. Then he took his hands off the wall and started to turn around, likely tired of standing there, tired of being yelled at, just tired.  


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The officer took out his baton.  

I stopped abruptly. The officer hadn’t seen me yet.   

Over the ten years I had worked on the West Side, I had seen my students undergo a number of humiliating and frightening encounters with cops, from being patted down to being put in the backseat of a police car. I had not seen any physical police violence firsthand, but this scene I walked into felt particularly volatile. I needed to do something.

At work, I knew exactly how to speak up to diffuse a situation. If I saw a conflict between two students getting heated and their voices escalating, I would ask in a serious tone and slightly louder voice, “What’s going on here?” I would also try to give some instructions for them to follow, “Walk away now.” Sometimes these statements were enough to break the tension between the students. Sometimes they were too locked into their argument to hear me. Inside the building, we all knew each other and spent time building rapport and trust. When I had to use a louder, lower voice, students knew I was concerned. My “principal voice” would get me nowhere in this situation, I realized.

Police had come into the school over the years, looking for students usually. Because of my upbringing, I was always respectful and cooperative. Because of my whiteness, I didn’t have negative interactions with police. But since being at the school, I had heard students talk about police shaking them down and taking cash they had on them, pulling them over for no reason, or not arriving at all after calling 911. I heard too many stories to dismiss them as exaggerations.  

My conversations with the police inside the school were usually pretty brief. Those few encounters had shown me a pattern of behavior. Police walked and spoke projecting authority, their hands on their utility belts or their thumbs tucked into their vests at their shoulders. They questioned me repeatedly if a student wasn’t there, as if they didn’t believe me. They left reluctantly if they didn’t get what they had come for — the student or information — sometimes hanging around outside and then coming back into the building to ask the same questions again. 

I wasn’t going to out-yell the cop. I had no authority over anything out here in the street. I knew he was in charge of this situation no matter what. But I couldn’t just walk by or turn away.  

My feet moved forward without knowing what was coming next.  

“Good morning!” I said, my voice as light and sweet as whipped cream frosting. “How are you today, officer?”   

I didn’t wait for an answer. Words flowed out of my mouth like an open fire hydrant. “Jamal and Terrell, I know you were coming to school early to help with distributing the new books. The teachers really appreciate the help and it will save so much time.”   

One breath. Then the rush of words kept coming.  

“And we can look over your financial aid applications. I know you started, right, with Ms. Washington? I think you guys are in really good shape because you have your parents’ information already entered….”    

My voice trailed off as I stopped in front of the officer, who — along with Jamal and the two kids I didn’t know — just stared at me. Terrell and the young man with no coat kept their faces towards the wall. I trained my eyes on the officer with a smile pasted on my face, trying to find some footing.   

“Hi, officer, can Jamal and Terrell come inside?” I tried to keep my eyes steady, even as I winced on the inside. I didn’t want to ask a question — especially one that might result in a “no” — but I had few options.  

“You know these guys?” he asked back.  

“I know Terrell and Jamal. They are seniors here. This is Austin Alternative School. Right here. This building. I’m the principal. So nice to meet you. They were coming early to help me out with some books. They are always helping out.”  

RELATED: Raising a Black son in a white world

As my mouth moved, I slowly made my way to the door of the school, keys in hand.  

“There were just gunshots down the street,” the cop said. “You should really be careful walking around here.”  

“Yes, officer. Of course. So sorry to hear about the gunshots. That’s awful. OK, well, Jamal. Terrell. Time to get to work.”   

I unlocked the door and held it open wide. The rectangle glass and metal anchored me to my purpose.    

Jamal was closest to the door and had been watching me move and babble the whole time. Now, we locked eyes and he moved slowly toward the entrance, keeping his back to the cop. We kept eye contact until he was through the threshold and inside the school.   

Terrell was further away from the door and hadn’t moved. I shifted my weight from one foot to the other, still holding the door open with my whole body.  

“Ma’am. I was coming to register,” one of the other boys said, catching my gaze.  

“Yes, of course. I can help you with that right now. Come on in.”  

The cop still had the baton in his hand but hadn’t moved since I started talking, except to turn and watch me walk towards the door.

I suddenly felt cold and the door I seemed to be getting heavier. The mantra in my head, incongruous to my surroundings, pulsed: light and sweet, light and sweet. I stared at Terrell, who still stood with his hands against the wall. How was I going to get him into the building?  

“Terrell?” I called out.  

With his head down, he turned toward me and began to walk towards the open door. The boy who had asked about registration followed Terrell in. When they reached the step before the door, I took a step forward to put myself between them and the cop who was standing back now, closer to the curb.  

One of the other boys remained outside next to the young man with no coat, who turned his head towards the cop and said, “Can we go now?” 

The cop took a step back and sheathed his baton.  

“Look, if you know something, I need you to tell me. You can go for now,” he said, deflated.  

As they rounded the corner and walked away, the cop turned to me. “Are those kids in school all day? Can I find them here later?”   

“They are in class all day,” I said. “Thank you. Have a nice day.”    

I hurried inside and the door closed behind me. I audibly exhaled and then went straight to my office.  

Jamal was there, staring at a Charles White print on the wall.   

“Where is Terrell?” I asked.  

“I think he and that other dude went out the other door. I don’t think Terrell will be back today.”  

* * *  

“You know how it always starts,” he said. “Cops trying to find someone who did something.”  

I tried to replay the events from the street in my head to figure out what voice Jamal was talking about. Then the mantra bubbled to the surface: light and sweet.   

I have been taught this tone, and to use it as a tool, since girlhood. How to smooth over and make everyone comfortable. The upbeat, slightly higher voice had become an unconscious part of me.  

This is what Jamal heard.  

My nerves continued to propel me around the room. I thought about the work the school does day to day, helping students earn their diplomas. We try to help students make a post-high school plan and think about goals for their futures. I wondered if anything we did really mattered at all if encounters like that are what waited for our students outside our walls. 

I had tried to re-direct the cop to listen to a different narrative about our students. And that meant I couldn’t confront him about the threat he, an armed police officer, posed against unarmed, young Black men. At the time, I thought this is what I needed to do. I leveraged anything in my power — my whiteness, my femaleness — to diffuse the scene. Ultimately, I don’t know why he acquiesced to my request. I was at his mercy for a few minutes, but at very little personal risk, and yet still the incident left me shaken and despondent. Jamal and Terrell do not get to walk away from these encounters so easily.  

Jamal continued to look at the table. “All I’m saying is that I wish I had a voice like that.” 

More Life Stories from Salon: 

The “Ted Lasso” way to make shortbread fit for “Biscuits with the Boss”

Avowed “Ted Lasso” believers extol the virtues of its kind humor and its picture-perfect depiction of its football team, AFC Richmond, as a close-knit family of choice. The team isn’t problem-free, but (most of) their coaches, management and fellow players support each other through every emotional setback.

Given all that’s transpired over the comedy’s two seasons, people may have forgotten that Coach Lasso’s winning charm offensive kicked off with a humble act of baking.

Upon arriving in the U.K., Ted (Jason Sudeikis) and his partner Coach Beard (Brendan Hunt) meet the owner of AFC Richmond, Rebecca Welton (Hannah Waddingham). Rebecca is composed and standoffish in a way that rebuffs Ted’s overt Midwestern optimism. She’s all tea and elegance; he loudly declares that England’s national beverage tastes like garbage water.

In the comedy’s second episode, “Biscuits,” Ted sets about fostering a connection with Rebecca by storming her office with the titular treat and declaring it to be a start of daily chat-fests called “Biscuits with the Boss.” At this point, he doesn’t realize Rebecca is a glacier upon which he’s meant to crash and sink his career, part of a self-destructive plot to get back at her philandering ex-husband.

One bite is all it takes to shift this would-be disaster off of its crash course.

RELATED: “Ted Lasso” creators Jason Sudeikis and Brendan Hunt want you to know it’s OK not to be OK

At first, Rebecca rebuffs Ted’s offering before taking a polite nibble, only to be floored by the flavor. “F**k me,” she blurts before demanding where Ted found her new bliss. He doesn’t tell, but by the end of the episode, we find out the pastry chef is . . . none other than the coach himself.

Ted LassoJason Sudeikis and Hannah Waddingham in “Ted Lasso” (Apple TV+)

This revealing crumb speaks volumes about Ted’s character, especially to bakers. Anybody can attempt to ingratiate themselves with their co-workers by leaving a box of store-bought donuts in the breakroom. Making the time and effort to bake for someone is a personal, intimate gesture. (This may be why that half-baked Mitt Romney-Kyrsten Sinema cosplay stunt rubbed people the wrong way – it entirely missed Ted’s purity of intent.)

On a more basic level, though, we also wondered what those cookies were. Apple TV+ confirmed a while ago that Ted’s life-changing bake is a simple shortbread made from four ingredients: butter, flour, salt, and sugar.

Ain’t nothing wrong with a classic, especially now that the holidays are nearly here. Shortbread, an adaptable favorite with a long history, is a popular choice among Christmas cookie bakers because of the recipe’s simplicity and each batch’s high yield.

Traditional shortbread dates to the 12th century, descending from a Scottish medieval method by which leftover bread dough was baked to a hardness and sweetened with spices. Mary, Queen of Scots was said to prefer a version with caraway seeds.


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Nowadays, no matter how you bake or slice it, homemade shortbread will always be better than anything that comes in a mass-produced package. The dough’s high butter content marries sugar and just the right amount of salt to create the precise flavor profile to make people swoon.

Not everyone, we should add. Ted’s biscuit trick fails to win him points with Dr. Sharon Fieldstone (Sarah Niles) in season 2, as she deduces that his aggressive optimism and need to be liked masks a secret.

Matching the spirit of the baker’s personality, the official “Ted Lasso” recipe’s simplicity belies the cookie’s complexity. Four ingredients still require precise measurement and attention to detail to get the bake just right. A good shortbread is sumptuous and delicate, melting effortlessly on the tongue yet able to withstand a dunk in milk or a finely brewed cup of hot brown water.

Overmixing the dough can negate its tenderness. Overbaking creates a pan of dry sorrow more suitable for the family dog. (Waddingham, by the way, previously admitted that the biscuits served to her during shoots are “chunky shortbreads that sucked all of the saliva out of my face.” Take that as a warning: Do not overbake!)

Home chefs who are aware of these pitfalls also know that shortbread can be a friendly canvas for one’s creativity, accepting flavor combinations and textural embellishments, such as cornmeal or finely ground nuts, that play with its velvety mouth feel. With the right flavor combination, you’ll know why Rebecca’s eyes roll in ecstasy each time she bites into her first biscuit of the day.

The official recipe doesn’t say anything about flavoring. Poring over every cookie-related scene in “Ted Lasso” reveals no indication that he deviated from the classic combo either, save for a moment when Ted sprinkles something on top of a batch bound for his boss. (Even then, we’re left guessing whether he added a zing of sea salt or sugar.)

Regardless of that, we experimented with several flavorings before landing on a clear profile – orange zest with a splash of orange blossom water – whose posh brightness matches Rebecca’s elegant image and her sunny second season disposition.

To repeat, that’s our spin on the original — not part of the official recipe. Ted builds his life philosophy around making the best out of what he’s got and believing in our potential for greatness. Four ingredients may be all that he needs to bake up success, along with a little luck in guessing that shortbread holds some sentimental value to his boss.

“You got some kind of food or something that just teleports you right back home, makes you feel all warm and fuzzy?” Ted asks his boss early in their relationship when Rebecca’s still trying to freeze him out.

“No,” she briskly replies — but not before reflexively glancing at his latest biscuit delivery. He never calls her on that, choosing to keep attempting to, as he puts it, “crack the recipe” . . . until he finally does.

***

Recipe: Ted Lasso’s Official “Biscuits with the Boss” Shortbread

Ingredients:

  • 2 cups all-purpose flour
  • 1/4 tsp coarse salt
  • 1 cup  ( 2 sticks ) unsalted butter room temperature
  • 3/4 cup confectioners’ sugar

Directions:

Preheat Oven to 300 degrees F.

Sift flour and salt together into a bowl. Mix and set aside.

In a separate bowl, mix butter on high speed until fluffy, around 3-5 minutes. Then gradually add sugar slowly, continue to mix until pale and fluffy.

Add flour all at once. Mix until combined.

Butter a square pan, then pat and roll shortbread into the pan, making sure it is no more than 1/2-inch thick. Refrigerate the dough for at least 30 minutes, then cut into squares.

Bake until golden, making sure the middle is firm, for approximately 45-60 minutes.

Cool completely.

Salon’s suggestions:

  • Great shortbreads call for the best butter available. (I used Kerrygold.)
  • Most shortbread recipes recommend pricking the dough all over with a fork to ensure an even bake. I tried this method after following the recipe as is and found that the forked batch was more evenly baked.
  • Want to skip the refrigeration part? Pulse the flour, salt and sugar mixture in a food processor before adding cold butter, sliced into small cubes. Pulse again just until the mixture begins to form a ball.  (Props to Nigella Lawson for that tip.)
  • If your slices bake together, cutting your shortbread into “fingers” or wedges while it’s still warm ensures precise edges.
  • To flavor your biscuits, add no more than a teaspoon of extract (we like almond or vanilla!) to the butter and sugar mixture before combining with the flour and salt.  
  • Our favorite flavor resulted from a friend’s suggestion to add just under 2 teaspoons of orange zest to the flour and salt mixture and 1 teaspoon of orange blossom water to the butter before combining with the dry ingredients.
  • Flavors will intensify after the shortbread has cooled completely and rested in an airtight container overnight.
  • Lastly — and we cannot stress this enough — do not overbake! Set your timer to check the shortbread at around the 40-minute mark. You want the edges to be a golden but not brown.  
  • If the final result isn’t “Biscuits with the Boss” perfect, don’t sweat it. As the man himself would say, success is not about the wins and losses. It’s about helping your bake to be the best version of itself in and out of the kitchen. No matter what, try again until you crack that recipe. It’s only four ingredients!

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The make-ahead Thanksgiving stuffing you can cook right now

With November almost here (but how?), I imagine many soon-to-be Thanksgiving hosts across the country are digging out their recipe files, drafting their menus, making monstrous grocery lists, and crafting their game-day plans. One of the most pressing questions is “what can I make ahead for Thanksgiving?” Sure, you can shop for non-perishable pantry goods like dried or fresh herbs, chicken broth, cornmeal, nuts, dry baking goods, and more. But what can you actually cook anything in advance of Turkey Day? What about make-ahead stuffing?

If any of these hosts are like me, many of the same questions are arising:  To brine the turkey or not?(Test Kitchen Director Josh Cohen did a compare-and-contrast experiment to answer this for himself.) How to cook it this year? (Food52 Senior Editor Eric Kim’s go-to method is simple as can be.) Low and slow? Fast and furious? Stuffed? Deep Fried? Spatchcocked? In pieces? And what about the gravy?

The how-to-cook-the-bird answer, for me, may change every year. Where I have found resolve, however, is in stuffing. The recipe I love, which I included in my cookbook, Bread Toast Crumbs, yields a stuffing with a crisp golden exterior and a creamy center, flavorful enough to eat on its own, but welcoming to many a relish, sauce, gravy, or anything else the Thanksgiving plate has to offer.

Best of all, my make-ahead stuffing for Thanksgiving can be customized to your preferences and prepped ahead. And by ahead, I mean way ahead: You can make this today (yes, today), freeze it, and on the fourth Thursday of November, pop it straight into the oven — no need to take up precious refrigerator space with an overnight thaw. Make-ahead stuffing for the win! Ahead, learn how to make an easy do-ahead stuffing recipe for Thanksgiving or any holiday feast.

How to prepare make-ahead stuffing

1. Buy (or bake) a couple loaves of country-style white bread and remove the crust. 

Most loaves in grocery stores or high-end bakeries will have thick, extra-crusty crusts, which, in my opinion, are too tough for stuffing (remember, the bread is getting baked again). If you bake white bread with a softer crust, like this Genius-approved No-Knead Peasant Bread, challah, or brioche, there is no need to remove the crust. For stuffing, I prefer neutral-flavored white bread — as opposed to sourdoughwhole-wheat, or cornbread — but, of course, use what you like! Make sure to let the bread get a little stale by leaving it out at room temperature uncovered; dried bread will absorb all of the stock as it rests without getting soggy.

2. Tear the bread into irregular chunks or dice into cubes, toss with a generous amount of olive oil, and toast until golden. 

From a somewhat fussy but incredibly delicious Suzanne Goin recipe published in Bon Appétitseveral years ago, I learned that saturating the bread pieces with lots of oil (you could also use melted butter, bacon fat, or schmaltz) before toasting them, makes for an especially tasty and beautifully golden stuffing. And from a wise Italian nonna, Antonietta Fazone, I learned that toasting bread, versus staling it on the counter overnight, it is preferable for preserving its flavor. While visiting Antonietta one day, she ran a slice of bread she had dried out in the oven under a streaming faucet, then broke off a piece for me to taste. Next, she ran a slice of stale bread under the faucet, then handed me that piece to compare. But there was no comparison — the one she had oven-dried was the unmistakable winner. Toasting had preserved the flavor, while staling had not.

3. Prepare seasonings and add-ins according to your preferences. 

Thanksgiving stuffing can be viewed as a blank canvas (this brown-butter version from Emma Laperruque’s Big Little Recipes column is as minimalist as it gets). You could dress it up with spicy sausage or briny oysters, or keep it bare bones with sautéed onion, celery, and maybe a dash of Bell’s Seasoning. Some of my favorite festive additions include: dried fruit (like raisins, cranberries, dates, and prunes), roasted nuts (from chestnuts and hazelnuts to walnuts and pecans), crisped pancetta or bacon (or salami or pepperoni!), sautéed apples or pears, and shredded Brussels sprouts (a mandoline works well for this). But don’t stop there. Stuffing is amenable to countless seasonings, fruits, vegetables, nuts, and meats — that’s what makes it your own. In the make-ahead Thanksgiving stuffing recipe below, I’ve kept it somewhat simple with not-quite caramelized onions and ruffly kale.

4. Toss bread and add-ins with stock, salt, and pepper. 

If you are making a vegetarian stuffing for Thanksgiving, obviously use vegetable stock (a mushroom stock would be especially cozy). There are even no-chicken chicken stocks that you can purchase for even savory, meaty flavor. Otherwise, turkey or chicken broth (in a pinch, you can turn to Better Than Bouillon) will not only keep the stuffing moist but also impart it with a rich, meaty flavor. Since you’re making the stuffing in advance, you could always make stock ahead of time too! If you’re reading this on October 8th, you have more than six weeks to prepare for Thanksgiving!

Once the stuffing is tossed with stock and seasonings, taste it. This is when it’s important to get the seasoning right (kosher salt and freshly ground pepper do the trick, but don’t be shy about adding crunchy bonuses like fennel seeds, caraway seeds, or even everything seasoning). The mixture should taste well seasoned, almost like a panzanella salad — it should taste so good, in fact, you wouldn’t mind stopping right then and there, calling the dish done. But keep going.

5. Whisk one egg with a little more stock, then toss one last time. 

The addition of an egg helps bind the stuffing, giving it a set, fluffy, custardy texture. (Just be careful when adding hot stock to the egg, which may be cold from the fridge. If you add too much at once, you could inadvertently scramble and cook the egg.) This is not essential, but if you like a stuffing that really sticks together, add the egg. If you don’t mind having a looser-textured stuffing or prefer to make a vegan stuffing, omit the egg altogether.

6. Transfer stuffing to buttered baking dish, cover with foil, and freeze until Thanksgiving (or for up to 3 months). Whenever you’re ready, transfer to the oven to bake.

The hardest part is over and hooray . . . it’s Turkey Day! Now that you have fully prepared the stuffing in advance for Thanksgiving and in the meantime, made a few piesbrined a turkey, and trimmed green beans, it’s time to cook the stuffing. You can immediately transfer it to a buttered baking dish or a cast-iron skillet. Melt butter in a large skillet over medium-high heat and then add the stuffing mixture from a large bowl. Cover with foil and bake whenever you’re ready!

To cook frozen stuffing: Bake the stuffing in a casserole dish, baking dish, or large skillet directly from the freezer covered for one hour in a preheated oven at 350º F. Uncover, increase the temperature to 400º F, and bake for 15 to 20 minutes more, until hot throughout and golden-brown and crispy on top. Alternatively, if space permits, thaw in the fridge overnight, bake, and cover with foil for 30 minutes at 400º F, then uncovered for 15 to 20 minutes more. And if you want to eat it right now, the process is the same as thawed: Bake first for 30 minutes covered at 400º F, then for 15 to 20 minutes more uncovered, or until the top layer of bread is browned and crisp. This make-ahead stuffing is the ultimate side dish — no special occasion required.

***

Make-Ahead Stuffing Recipe: (Freezable) Stuffing with Caramelized Onions and Kale

Serves: 8 to 10

Ingredients:

  • 1 pound loaf of bread, crusts removed, see notes above, torn into 1- to 2-inch pieces (8 to 10 cups)
  • 1/2 cup extra-virgin olive oil
  • kosher salt and pepper to taste
  • 4 tablespoons unsalted butter
  • 2 cups sliced onions (1 to 2)
  • 8 ounces kale, see notes above, rough stems discarded, leaves sliced into ½-inch ribbons
  • 1.5 cups homemade chicken stock or store-bought
  • 1 egg
  • softened butter

Directions:

  1. Preheat the oven to 400° F. In a large bowl, toss the bread with 1/4 cup of the oil; the bread will feel saturated. Season with salt and pepper to taste. Taste a cube of bread — it should be nicely seasoned. Spread bread onto a sheet pan in a single layer, reserving the bowl. Transfer to the oven and toast for 15 to 17 minutes, until golden. Set aside to cool briefly.
  2. Meanwhile, in a large sauté pan, melt the butter with the remaining 1/4 cup oil over medium heat. Add the onions, season with a pinch of salt, and cook, stirring, for 15 to 20 minutes, or until the onions are soft and beginning to caramelize. 
  3. Meanwhile, place the kale in the reserved bowl, and when the onions have finished cooking, scrape them into the bowl over the kale, and toss to combine. Add the bread, and toss again. Add 1 cup of the chicken stock, 1/2 teaspoon salt, and fresh cracked pepper to taste. Toss to combine. Taste. This is when it’s important to get the seasoning right — this should taste well seasoned, so adjust with more salt and pepper as needed. In a small bowl, whisk the remaining 1/2 cup of stock with the egg and add to the bowl. Toss to combine.
  4. Grease a 9×13-inch baking pan with the softened butter and spread the mixture into it. Cover the pan with foil, transfer it to the oven (or see notes above for freezing), and bake the stuffing for 30 minutes. Uncover the pan and bake the stuffing for 15 to 20 minutes more, until the bread is golden and the kale is beginning to crisp. Remove the pan from the oven and let the stuffing stand for 10 minutes before serving it.

Short on oven space? Smoke a turkey for Thanksgiving

There are a few common methods for how to cook a turkey for Thanksgiving. The most traditional way is making roasted turkey using a roasting pan in the oven. A lot of butter, a drizzle of olive oil, and a handful of fresh herbs can go a long way to making a turkey that has crispy skin and flavorful, succulent meat. There’s also the less-popular but quick-cooking method known as spatchcocking turkey, which is also a version of a roasted turkey. The outdoorsy types may be inclined towards deep-fried or even smoked turkey.

So why would you smoke a turkey for Thanksgiving? Smoking a turkey doesn’t necessarily save time, but it does save valuable oven space, making room for larger-than-life casseroles and stuffings. The real reason why you would choose this cooking method is because of those delicious smoky flavors. If you love barbecue, smoked turkey might be just the thing to transport you to the woods of Tennessee, a glass of bourbon in one hand, and a plate piled high with turkey in the other. While there are many methods for cooking a turkey that has golden-brown skin and juicy meat, there is really no way to build an authentic, smoked flavor in the bird without the use of an electric smoker or grill.

The swoon-worthy results and surprising ease of cooking an entire turkey over a wood-infused fire should make you rethink cranking up the oven. Three steps make the method work:

  1. Butterflying the turkey creates a broad, flat surface that cooks more quickly and evenly.
  2. Slathering the bird with a fragrant paste made with brown sugar, vinegar, and red spices, along with a few fresh herb sprigs placed here and there, perfumes the meat (and bastes the skin) with warm, subtly sweet-and-spicy flavor.
  3. To address the perennial quandary of how to cook the dark meat through without drying out the breast, the coals are arranged in a crescent shape positioned under the legs and thighs, which allows both parts of the bird to reach the ideal temperatures at the same time.

Choosing the right wood chips

If you are going to smoke a turkey using an electric smoker rather than on a grill, there’s a couple of important things to keep in mind. First: wood chips. The type of wood chips you use will impact the flavor of your bird. The most common “flavors” are hickory, pecan, apple, mesquite, and cherry. Each has their own merits, but I’d recommend a combination of apple and oak wood chips. Apple wood chips have a sweet, mild flavor that naturally pair well with poultry, but work especially well with a Thanksgiving turkey. Oak, on the other hand, is the most neutral wood chip, meaning that if you’re using a really high-quality heritage turkey or want to show off a giblet gravy, the wood chips won’t compete with those beautiful flavors. Furthermore, apple chips may be too strong on their own, so you can dial down the sweetness with neutral oak.

Smoked turkey tips

I strongly recommend asking your butcher to spatchcock the turkey for you — or you can earn bragging rights and wrangle it yourself with poultry shears and a sharp chef’s knife (be sure to reserve the backbone, neck, and giblets for making turkey stock or gravy). It’s important to maintain the grill at a medium heat of 325°F (165°C) to 350°F (175°C) so the skin doesn’t get too dark while the meat cooks through. If you’re using an electric smoker, set the smoker to 225°F to 250°F and cook the turkey for eight to twelve hours, or until a meat thermometer inserted in the thickest part of the bird reaches 165°F.

Another trick that makes the process much easier? After slathering the turkey with the wet rub, place it skin-side up on a wire cooling rack that you can place directly over the hot grates, which helps prevent sticking and tearing the delicious, crispy skin you’re creating. To account for carryover cooking, I remove the turkey from the grill at the lower end of the doneness range. This turkey is delicious on its own, with a smoky gravy and alongside corn casserole and roasted sproutsin tacos, and perhaps best of all, sliced for day-after sandwiches (pass the Duke’s mayo).

***

How to smoke a turkey on a grill

Adapted from Thank You for Smoking by Paula Disbrowe

Ingredients:

  • One 12- to 15-pound (5.4 to 6.8 kg) turkey
  • Extra-virgin olive oil, for drizzling
  • Kosher salt and freshly ground black pepper
  • 1/4 cup (50g) packed light brown sugar
  • 2 tablespoon ground cumin
  • 2 tablespoons ground coriander
  • 2 teaspoons dried Mexican oregano
  • 2 teaspoons sweet paprika
  • 2 teaspoons pure ground chile powder (such as New Mexico or ancho)
  • 2 tablespoons white wine vinegar
  • 6 to 8 sprigs fresh oregano, sage, thyme, or rosemary (optional)

Directions:

At least one hour before cooking, spatchcock the turkey (if your butcher hasn’t done so already). Rinse the carcass under cold water, pat it dry with paper towels, and place it on a wire cooling rack over a rimmed baking sheet. Drizzle both sides of the bird with enough oil to lightly coat, and season generously with salt and pepper.

In a small bowl, stir together the brown sugarspices, and vinegar into a thick, moist paste. Use your hands to slather the wet rub evenly over both sides of the turkey and set it aside to marinate while you prepare the fire. (Note: the turkey can be seasoned and refrigerated up to 12 hours in advance.

Prepare your grill for two-zone cooking and build a medium-high fire.

When the coals are glowing red and covered with a fine gray ash, use your tongs to arrange them into a crescent moon shape (it should be wide enough to stretch between the two drumsticks) and add a few hardwood chunks to the fire. Carefully wipe the preheated grill grates with a lightly oiled paper towel. Using a grill brush, scrape the grill grates clean, then carefully wipe with a lightly oiled towel again.

When the fire begins to produce a steady stream of (clearish or blue-tinted) smoke, place the wire rack supporting the turkey on the grill, skin-side up, with the turkey legs and thighs situated over the direct heat of the coals and the breast toward indirect heat. Tuck the herb sprigs under the legs and wing joints. Close the grill, vent the grill for smoking, and smoke for 2 to 2 1/2 hours, until an instant-read thermometer inserted into the thickest part of the thigh reads between 160°F (71°C) and 165°F (74°C). Add additional hot coals or wood chunks as needed to maintain a steady temperature between 325°F (165°C) and 350°F (175°C).

Remove the turkey and transfer it to a cutting board to rest for at least 15 minutes (or up to 40 minutes), then slice it into portions and serve immediately.

FBI raids home of Project Veritas founder James O’Keefe

The FBI raided the home of Project Veritas founder James O’Keefe Saturday, just days after federal agents hit two other locations associated with the conservative media company, according to a report.

The searches were all in connection with an investigation into the theft of a diary written by President Joe Biden’s adult daughter, Ashley Biden, according to The New York Times.

An FBI spokesperson confirmed to the paper that it had conducted “”performed law enforcement activity” at O’Keefe’s home in Mamaroneck, N.Y., but would not discuss details of the case.


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After news of the investigation became public Friday, O’Keefe released a detailed video statement defending his organization’s actions — saying that they were acting as responsible journalists in speaking with sources about the diary, which it never published but was in talks with sources about. 

“It appears the Southern District of New York now has journalists in their sights for the supposed crime of doing their jobs lawfully and honestly,” Mr. O’Keefe said. “Our efforts were the stuff of responsible, ethical journalism and we are in no doubt that Project Veritas acted properly at each and every step.”

RELATED: FBI raids homes of Project Veritas associates as part of probe into theft of Ashley Biden’s diary

The probe, which began as an investigation into an October 2020 burglary on Ashley Biden’s home, originally began under then-Attorney General Bill Barr, who was appointed by former President Donald Trump.

“The Morning Show” finally finds its raison d’etre as a satire about workplace toxicity

Sometimes shows meander for a time before becoming what they should have been all along. “The Morning Show” took almost two seasons to reach that point – or to be precise, one season and nearly eight episodes.

“Confirmations” finds the plot, at long last, by offing Steve Carell’s character Mitch Kessler, the story’s Matt Lauer surrogate. Carell’s Mitch is one of those predicaments a show traps itself with, in that he’s amply developed and directly involved in the reversal of Jennifer Aniston’s Alex Levy. Unlike Lauer, the show couldn’t simply disappear its star sexual predator. It didn’t have to take us on a slow cruise towards empathy either.

Nevertheless, now that he’s gone, the show can double down on good old love-hate stew boiling at the center of UBA’s workplace toxicity, the kind to which many more can relate than TV industry-specific conflicts.

Related: “The Morning Show” shifts to cover the pandemic, but still needs a shot in the arm to find its soul

Mitch is a constant reminder that we were watching a story loosely based on NBC’s “Today,” a show millions watch but few gossip about. “The View” drives more conversation day-to-day, and the quality of each episode’s discussion has little to do with it. We tune in for the fighting, assigning meaning to each expression, conjecturing about what happens when the cameras are off.

That’s why Meghan McCain’s supposed revelation that “the truth is that the environment of [“The View”] is toxic” was met with a resounding, “. . . And?” Of course it’s toxic. Toxicity is that show’s nitro fuel. We warm our faces with its flames. But some of the vicarious thrill we glean from those explosions comes from simply watching a group of co-workers say exactly what they are thinking about a topic, and each other, to each other.

“The Morning Show” anchors are never so honest in their expression, and that makes its off-camera refutation of the workplace family fantasy so delicious. Appreciate its attempt to capitalize on #MeToo two years too late if you want, but for my money no scene hit the mark better than the one in which Alex, freshly in shock after being told that Mitch is dead, listens to furious, expletive-laced phone messages from her producer Charlie “Chip” Black (Mark Duplass) as he’s sitting next to her.

This is where the plot finally kicks into gear.


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Alex is a narcissistic opportunist who doesn’t realize she’s terrible. Chip personifies the concept of being loyal to a fault. Television has no better example of a more hideous and too-common work marriage.

In the lead-up to “Confirmations” Alex crumbles in fear of how damaging a tell-all by her adversary Maggie Brener (Marcia Gay Harden) is going to be to her career. To her, being “canceled” is a fate worse than death. She bails on moderating a presidential debate and flees to Italy without telling anyone because she wants to see Mitch one last time, to hell with the consequences.

“Morning Show” sufferers know this has long been the trouble with Alex. Some of the same may also work with a real-life version of Alex – that is, the co-worker who has a special relationship with the boss and therefore feels free to act in their own self-interest as opposed to that of the team. They assume, often correctly, that more reliable colleagues will bring order to whatever chaos their decisions create.

These snakes are among the many reasons people aren’t keen to go back to their offices or have been driven to quit their jobs. We would love to scream at them at least once – you know, really lay out where we stand. But we can’t.

Chip finally does it for us.

Chip has been covering for Alex to the detriment of his new, stable relationship and his own sanity, because he values their partnership. He cares about Alex – more than cares – and he hates himself for that while hating Alex even more. In short, Chip is gutless.

Still, when Alex stumbles on the worst of his voicemails after Chip picks her up from the private jet flight home, he begs her to not listen to them. She ignores his pleas, wailing, “It’s really not the time!” even though she’s controlling the circumstances.

“Why are you not letting me feel what I should be feeling right now?” she wails. “F**k you for this!”

That’s when he really loses it. “Your vanity knows no bounds!” he bellows when she accuses him of being jealous of Mitch. “Jealous of that dumb, dead a**hole who ruined my life and all of our lives? Yeah, I’m jealous of Mitch. I’m jealous of Hitler, too!” From there the dialogue devolves into Aniston and Duplass hilarious trading growls of “I hate you so much” until they are deflated, which is when they pull up to the house of Mitch’s ex-wife Paige (Embeth Davidtz). Alex believes it’s kinder for the most famous woman Mitch slept with to deliver the news of his demise in person.

There’s nothing wrong with office comedies like “Mary Tyler Moore,” “Sports Night,” “Parks and Recreation” and every other show about co-worker camaraderie, including “The Office.” The best character ensembles behave like the families they profess to be.

Captivating realistic depictions of the Darwinian corporate shops that claim to operate like “one big family,” as Billy Crudup’s executive Cory Ellison describes the supposed atmosphere at “The Morning Show,” remain rare. That’s what makes this episode’s emotional mayhem such a gift – it explicitly acknowledges the conditions that create the Mitches of the world.

“Feelings, they drain your life blood,” Cory maniacally spews in the face of network president Stella Bak (Greta Lee) when she asks how he’s doing. “They turn your eyes gray. How I’m doing cannot be your problem. Caring about other people, it limits your ability to make self-serving decisions. And what is good for you is good for the company. Because it owns you. And it owns me. And we own it! We are all one.”

While Mitch’s lechery, sexual misconduct and overt power abuse is the putative reason the show shaped itself around #MeToo, Carell’s creep is merely one of many offenders that make UBA a psychological meatgrinder. It’s a top down problem, a symptom of power’s carelessness.

Mitch Kessler would not have gotten as far as he did or hurt as many people if not for Cory feigning ignorance as to what was happening. Alex undermined the people around her to further her career or satisfy her own impulses. Whether it was Mitch’s wife or Julianna Margulies’ Laura Peterson, whose ascent she halted by outing her in the ’90s, or Chip, who she threw under a bus to save her own skin, nobody was or is safe from her.

Even Mia Jordan, Karen Pittman’s strategic producer, dealt with Mitch using her and tossing her aside by accepting the promotion UBA upper executives doled out to her in exchange for her silence. Pittman brews a marrow-deep rage and despair into the monologue that erupts from Mia during a private moment witnessed only by a trusted subordinate.

In that outpouring Mia seethes at knowing she’s been lumped in with a gaggle of Black women Mitch slept with and fetishized when, in her mind, they had a relationship. Mia knows that admitting how deeply Mitch’s treachery has wounded her would be career suicide. And she’s righteously livid about the fact that nobody cares about the beating her conscience is taking during this breaking news whirlwind Mitch has created out of the choices he made in life and the way he controlled how his story ended, robbing his victims of any chance to get true justice.

With all that whirling in her brain, Mia still has to write up the obit another woman, Bradley, reads on the air.

“Transition for society is rarely easy,” Mia writes and Bradley reads. “Reconciling who we were with who we are, with who we want to be, is challenging. Figuring out what from the past we need to remember to forgive, to learn from or to ignore, is impossible to do elegantly.”

Bradley goes on to observe that her co-workers suffered from Mitch’s inability to do any of that. But maybe “The Morning Show” writers will learn from what’s working in this hour and spin it in a better direction that at long last has something relevant to say.

New episodes of “The Morning Show” debut Fridays on Apple TV+.

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“Attica” filmmakers on mistakes from that fateful prison riot: “The media failed the prisoners”

The events at Attica Correctional Facility that began on September 9, 1971, became the largest and bloodiest prison rebellion to date. Now, 50 years after the five-day uprising — which left 29 inmates and 10 hostages dead — filmmakers Stanley Nelson and Traci Curry have made Showtime’s powerful documentary “Attica” that recounts the events that lead to the riot and its deadly aftermath.

The filmmakers conduct interviews with prisoners, reporters, observers, and family members of the hostages to provide different perspectives on the event’s impact. Issues of racism abound — from the all-white staff of correctional officers and the 70% Black and brown inmates, to a revealing conversation between then New York State governor Nelson Rockefeller and President Nixon. The inmates, represented by LD Barkley, were protesting that those incarcerated were subjected to inhumane conditions. There are stories about having one roll of toilet paper per month, and meals costing $0.63/day (“That’s $0.21/meal—who can eat off that!?” one interviewee declares.) One white inmate confesses that his race helped him get extra meals and special treatment. In contrast, the Black Muslim inmates were denied religious freedom (and were also served pork).

RELATED: Armed revolution and free breakfast: The extraordinary true story of “The Black Panthers” and how they shaped our era

“Attica” tells the story of how the Commissioner of Corrections, Russell Oswald negotiated with the prisoners, meeting some of their demands, but he balked at providing an injunction that would grant the prisoners amnesty for their involvement in the riot. As the media covered the story (ham-fistedly as the film shows), the situation got tenser and tenser until armed law enforcement officers entered the prison and fired, killing 39 people, including 10 of the hostages. The filmmakers depict the horrific episode vividly in this compelling film. 

Nelson and Curry spoke with Salon about their essential documentary.

What do you recall about the Attica Prison Riots from when they unfolded and why did you pick this topic for a film 50 years later?

Stanley Nelson: I was about 20 when it happened. It as an extraordinary event — these prisoners have taken over a prison — what is going to happen? It unfolded day by day. We were devastated by the way it turned out. Nobody imagined that they were negotiating, or that the [police] would take it back by force and kill a whole bunch of people. I felt that this story had never really been told and that tells us something about ourselves in this country and the prison system. There were people still alive who can remember and tell the story. There were great witnesses and there was great archival footage.

Traci Curry: Attica was before my time. I knew there had been a riot, but I really didn’t know much at all — certainly, not as much as I came to learn. I knew this would be a story with questions of justice, human rights, and the penal systems, and how all that is tied up with race and power, and class. This film presented an opportunity to explore it. 


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Can you talk about your approach to the various participants and the stories they told about this famous uprising? There is a lasting impact on the survivors, be it inmates, observers, or family members of victims.

Curry: It is no small thing for a person to be approached by a complete stranger and asked to recount the defining trauma of your life in great detail — over the phone, which is essentially what I was asking these people. I tried to be mindful of that. In approaching them, there were a lot of divides to overcome. The men are significantly older that I am, and not necessarily used to expressing vulnerability or emotion, certainly not with a young woman. The families are white people that come from a very different background than I do. Maybe there is some distrust there. So, a lot of the initial work was building up their trust and those relationships. Once they opened up, and were willing to talk about it, what became clear to me was that the memory of this experience was right there, just beneath the surface. But that trauma, 50 years later, was very much there for every single person, whether they were a prisoner, a family member, an observer, or one of the attorneys. It was crystalized in their memories; it was burned into their psyches. The work was to overcome the human instinct in the face of some extreme emotion — sadness or humiliation — to recoil away or lean in and stop it from happening. It was sitting with their trauma and allowing them to talk about it, and be expressive, and give them a space to talk about it in a way that was authentic.

The story is about control. The whites/guards have it; the Black prisoners temporarily get it, and then the whites get it back. I like that one prisoner explains that, “even if it costs you, you had to riot” because of how they just were being treated inhumanely. What observations do you have about power in the film? From LD Barkley to Oswald, to Rockefeller and Nixon, everyone had an agenda.  

Nelson: That’s an interesting point. In some ways it’s subtle and some ways, not too subtle. The prisoners were drunk with power. As Jerry Rosenberg [the prisoner’s advocate] makes this speech, “We are men.” it was over the top, dramatic. Maybe, if they hadn’t been just a little bit drunk with power, they could have negotiated [more]. The prisoners thought they had more time. The rug was pulled out from under them. The rest was Rockefeller.

Curry: One of the most powerful things you can do is to claim control of your narrative and your story and your identity. The prisoners are some of most marginalized and silenced people. The power they define is for themselves, who they were in this moment, and what they were about. One of the things that is so fascinating to me was that inside this prison, they had to silo themselves into these groups to survive: Black, white, Muslim, Puerto Rican, political, not political. Once they saw they could create change, they don’t put it aside, but subsume it and coalesce around this other identity as prisoners. They name themselves and create their own new political identity as prisoners in this moment. When you hear Nixon on this tape so eager for this to be a story about “The Blacks,” to me, he is trying to wrest away what the prisoners have named and identified themselves, and he wants to make it a different narrative about the Blackness, and the criminology of Blackness, and Blackness run amok and needing to be controlled because it’s worked for him — it got him elected president — and he needs the story that he want to tell about the prisoners, not the story they told about themselves, to justify what ultimately happened to them.

The situation probably could have been resolved if the negotiations were handled better; if amnesty was granted to the inmates. What thoughts do you have on this aspect of the story? Was a non-violent solution possible? 

Nelson: It would have been possible if you kept Nelson Rockefeller and Richard Nixon out of it. I think Oswald wanted to negotiate a settlement at least for the first three days. It was a turning point when [Correctional Officer William] Quinn dies. All bets are off because someone has been murdered. It is harder to give them amnesty because of the optics; it sets a precedent. They could have done it. If they had been given amnesty, I would be confident that that would have been enough for the prisoners. They made 28 demands, and all they wanted to know is that they would not be prosecuted for things done in the rebellion. One of the things the film does is that it lays out why there is the rebelling from the beginning and that it all hinged on this thing, this amnesty. It came so close to being resolved. It didn’t have to be this way.

Curry: There are so many shoulda, coulda, and what ifs. One thing you see very clearly in the film is that the men, by day three or day four are reaching their limits of endurance in this space. There are hundreds of men sharing in this confined space. They are not showering. They are relieving themselves in the same space. They are running out of food and water and patience. Some were ready to go back in. They knew there would be some level of retribution [for the riot], but no one imagined what would happen. They were in this together and they would not allow the people identified as the leadership to suffer for all of us. Amnesty was the one thing they could not let go. If there was an effort to offer something like it — charges for minor things like destruction of property — if there had been a good faith effort to engage with them meaningfully, maybe this wouldn’t have happened. If Rockefeller had come — the observers were clear that they were never asking him to go inside the yard and be with the prisoners. They were saying come and see what we see, come and feel what we feel. Observers felt this tension of the people who were outside the prison. They were being told [lies that] their brothers in law enforcement and their literal brothers were being castrated and tortured. Of course, they are going to be pissed hearing this for four days. And then you put a gun in their hand and tell them to go in. What do you think was going to happen? The observers saw this. If Rockefeller saw this, you would know the inevitable outcome of sending these people in. I have a hard time believing that if there were good faith efforts to negotiate around amnesty or an attempt by Rockefeller to show he gave a damn, it wouldn’t have ended the way it did.

The media became important in the story, and two Black journalists, ABC News reporter John Johnson and “Amsterdam News” publisher Clarence Jones, had some keen insights and insider perspectives. What are your thoughts on how the media covered this event?

Nelson: I’m of two minds. It was great because the media was there, and covering it, and you saw the inmates and the humanity. But ultimately, the media failed to report what was happening and stop rumors that people were being castrated. The prisoners were proud of how they were treating the hostages. The media knew that, but in some way the media really failed the prisoners.

Curry: I agree, they were there and reporting and that is why there is a film — there’s footage of it. I also think that what happened at Attica as far as the media is concerned, can be instructive on how the media fails today. What the prisoners were asking for was covered and a lot of the news footage focuses on the request that they be flown to Algeria or Cuba. That is the sexiest and shiniest object on their list of demands. A shower and toilet paper are not really that exciting to make your news lead at a news show. It makes the prisoners silly and ridiculous that they think they were going to get a plane out of Attica. But that was a pie-in-the-sky, why not shoot for the moon request. It wasn’t the essence of what they were asking for, and it wasn’t represented well in the media. It is also instructive about the perils of access journalism, which we are wrestling with today. What happened — and the reason that the story was in the AP, the New York Times, and all the other major outlets — was because there was one voice, one spokesperson who emerged and gave the “official version” that got out there, which was that the prisoners killed 10 hostages. Very few people — and John Johnson was an exception in this regard — asked more questions. Very few people said, “I didn’t see it, so I’m not going to report it just because you said it.” This one guy, who was “the authority,” told everyone this is what happened and that was what was reported. As we show, it was corrected when the coroner said, “I see no evidence of any of this. I see people who died of gunshot wounds.” The way the primacy effect works is that the first story is the stickiest. There are people to this day who still believe the prisoners killed the hostages. 

The film’s last act is particularly impressive as you depict the roiling tensions that lead to senseless killings. Obviously, the use of force was excessive and did more harm than good. Your film is a cautionary tale. What do you think we have learned from these events? Have conditions in prisons/for inmates improved or has not much/enough changed in the last half century. What is the lesson here?

Nelson: Superficially, prisons have changed. They have education programs, but that’s counterbalanced by the fact that now we have 2 million people in prison. It’s not a gain in the prison systems. I think that a lot has changed, and one of the things [people] want prisons to do is make people disappear and not think about them. We didn’t think about people at the time of Attica, and very few people think about the fact that people are in prison today. 

Curry: Attica is directly connected to where we find ourselves in the prison system today because Nelson Rockefeller, before he becomes Vice President, feels empowered by the political currency he got off the way he handled Attica. He looked like this tough-on-crime guy. He then passes these draconian drug laws, which become the blueprint for drug laws all across the country, which then lead to the explosion of the prison population which get us where we are today. There is a direct connection. Things have gotten exponentially worse. In 2020, we see the lengths to which the state is willing to go to reassert its own power when that power is challenged and how the default setting is so often violence. Certainly not to the extreme that we saw in Attica, but we all saw on television how the law enforcement has responded to protests, and we saw what happened to the protestors outside the White House, and the President using that as a political opportunity. Which would suggest that we’ve learned nothing. Very little has changed since Attica.

“Attica” premieres Saturday, Nov. 6 at 9 p.m. on Showtime. Watch the trailer below via YouTube.

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